The personality of Osman dan Fodio (1754-1817), the creator of one of the most powerful states in the history of pre-colonial Africa, the Sokoto caliphate, stands out even against the background of other prominent figures in the history of the subtropical part of the continent. It is not by chance that the whole of Nigeria is proud of him, the city and streets, the university and prizes awarded to Nigerian writers and scientists are named after him. The Patriarch of Russian African Studies D. A. Olderogge paid serious attention to this statesman in one of his most famous works - " Western Sudan in the XV-XIX centuries. Essays on the history and history of culture "(Olderogge, 1960). The activity of Osman dan Fodio was investigated by I. V. Sledzevsky (Sledzevsky, 1981), and it was affected by GS. Kiselev [Kiselev, 1981].

However, the significance of this Fulbian spiritual, religious and political figure in the fate of African peoples, as well as the historical upheaval that he accomplished, at least in Central Sudan, has not yet been sufficiently evaluated in Russian humanities. It can only be adequately addressed by examining the diverse activities of Osman dan Fodio in close connection with the socio-cultural situation that existed in Central and Western Sudan before the beginning of the jihad, i.e., the spread of the principles of Islam, and has fundamentally changed since its completion.

Osman dan Fodio (Arabic: Osman bin Muhammad bin Osman bin Salih), the son of a well-known Qur'anic teacher from a privileged Fulbian family, was born in the Gobir Sultanate in northern Nigeria and was given the unofficial title of shehu (sheikh) for his religious scholarship and piety. His mother also came from an educated Fulbian family. Osman dan Fodio was proficient in Arabic, thoroughly mastered Islamic theology and the basics of Arab culture; he was distinguished by his religious zeal in observing the norms of Islam and his strong rejection of pagan religious and political customs. At the same time, the sheikh also showed himself as a spiritual reformer, a connoisseur of historical and legal literature, a religious educator and the author of numerous poetic songs in Arabic, fulfulde (fulbe) and the house language. In total, he (along with his son Muhammadu Bello and brother Abdullahi) is credited with approximately 700 works on religious and secular topics in prose and poetic form.

Gobir at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries was a typical Khausan state, which managed to rise after the capture of the neighboring sultanate of Zamfar in the mid-1760s. The population of the sultanate was very heterogeneous in ethnic, socio-economic and religious terms. The upper class of society was represented by the military-aristocratic class, consisting mainly of local hausa-Gobirava, who made their careers during the numerous wars of the Gobir with their neighbors.

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The majority of the population consisted of the social lower classes, primarily peasants (zamfarava), the main population of the conquered Zamfara. The second largest ethnic group was the Fulbe, which by the beginning of the 19th century had spread throughout West Africa, including the Hausa States. They were divided into nomadic and sedentary. If nomads belonged to the poor and dependent part of the population, then the settled Fulbe - the philan of Gida-had a higher status. The Toronkawa - Fulbe, who originated in the Futa Toro region of Senegal and were considered the most aristocratic clan among all the Fulbe clans, stood out among the Guid's philanines. Osman dan Fodio belonged to this family.

The Gobiravas, who ruled the state, like other rulers of the Khausan sultanates, considered themselves Muslims, and attributed their state to Dar al-Islam-the territory where Islamic laws rule. However, the majority of the population, including the ruling stratum, continued at the same time to remain faithful to African traditional beliefs, not bothering to comply with Sharia norms and limiting themselves to performing the most basic Muslim rituals. The state system-judicial proceedings, the appointment of officials, the taxation system-did not meet the requirements of Sharia law, it included a lot of pre-Islamic norms. However, Muslim clerics are Malams (from Arabic. alim-scholar, plural ch. - Ulama), who came from Hausa, were very tolerant of the dominance of pre-Islamic orders, because, being included in the established way of life, they themselves enjoyed certain material advantages in this system of life order, and piety was relegated to the background.

Against their background, the Malams of the Fulbian families looked like ascetics: they were almost entirely associated with the village, did not belong entirely to the nomadic Fulbe society, nor to the settled village hausa community, and therefore did not have the benefits that the urban Hausa malams had. Because of this, the mobile lifestyle of the Fulbian Malams, filled with everyday hardships, was related to the broad masses of the people, whose moods they knew very well. Many, including Osman dan Fodio, studied in the Tuareg city of Agadez, where they came in contact with the ideas of Wahhabism, which had barely had time to emerge - the revival of "correct" Islam, which appealed to the time of the Prophet Muhammad and demanded the implementation of his precepts in full in all spheres of society and political governance. The Malams-Fulbe were outraged by the lifestyle of the ruling elite, whose policies they regarded as"godless". According to the majority of Fulbe Malams, Gobir and other Hausa sultanates were not Muslim, but pagan - habe (hausa) states, since their rulers were pagans. Reformist sentiments among Fulbe Muslims, which demanded strict compliance with Islamic norms without any exceptions or exemptions, were also supported by residents of other Hausan lands, largely because these norms were combined with social requirements.

Growing dissatisfaction was expressed in his religious and socio-political program by Osman dan Fodio, who justified the open protest of Muslims against the rulers who distorted the laws of Islam and, in his opinion, the human community.

In 1804. Osman dan Fodio rebelled against the rule of the traditional Hausan nobility that dominated the states of northern Nigeria. The nomadic Fulbe tribes who supported him, the social lower classes of the local society, who enthusiastically accepted Osman dan Fodio's ideas about combating abuses of power holders as a natural part of the sword jihad, proclaimed their spiritual and religious leader as the head of the Muslim community-Amir al - muminin (in Hausa-sarkin Moslem). In 1808, the uprising ended with the victory of the rebels, under the leadership of

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they dominated almost all of Northern Nigeria. The capital of the caliphate was then still a small city of Sokoto. But almost immediately after that, Osman dan Fodio stepped away from the political leadership of the caliphate he created, handing over the management of the subject territory to his closest associates and sons, and devoted the rest of his life to writing spiritual and religious works, political treatises and poetic works, in which, in particular, he reflected on his own experience of transformations in the country [Sledzevsky, 1981, p. 62-75].

The scale of what the Fulbian reformer accomplished is emphasized in the title of the book by one of the African researchers of the Sheikh's activities, Ibrahim Suleiman: "Revolution in History. Osman's Jihad dan Fodio "(Sulaiman, 1986). The uprising led by Osman dan Fodio under the banner of Islam not only led to the creation of a new state on the map of Africa, but also completed the formation of an Islamic civilizational project for the peoples of the northern part of modern Nigeria and Cameroon, south-eastern Niger and other adjacent lands of Western and Central Sudan. Meanwhile, in the Russian and Western literature of the 1950s-1970s, the causes and course of jihad under the leadership of Osman dan Fodio were considered mainly from the standpoint of formation theory. The changes that took place were regarded as manifestations of class struggle, as the desire of the Fulbian aristocracy to seize the dominant socio-economic positions, and the events were interpreted as an expression of socio-economic contradictions that developed in a religious guise.

In fact, it was the religious idea that gave the jihad its scale, the extent of its consequences, which it had under the leadership of Osman dan Fodio. In accordance with the Islamic tradition, it included, on the one hand, a statement of the principles of civilized human existence, i.e. essentially secular norms of life, and, on the other, the basic foundations of the Muslim faith. Osman dan Fodio presented these concepts in numerous treatises on religious, religious-political, historical topics in literary, moral and lyrical works. Along with the prose form, he also mastered various poetic forms inherent in traditional Arabic verse.

Addressing the masses with explanations and instructions, Osman dan Fodio preached what a true Muslim should be in thought and action, spoke about the main features of Islamic government, about the honesty and sincerity of a Muslim ruler and official, about the duties of believers who find themselves under the rule of a non-Muslim or unrighteous ruler (sarki-na yaz. house). Moreover, as the Nigerian author Abdullah Hakim Quick notes, Osman dan Fodio wrote "volumes of poetic and scientific treatises in local languages and classical Arabic" [Quick, 1993, p. 20]. The Sheikh gave strength to his followers, encouraged them to lead a strict life dedicated to strengthening and spreading Islamic laws, in which the topic of social justice and equal application of legal provisions occupied one of the first places.

Defining the basics of Islamic character, Osman dan Fodio wrote in his treatise Al-amr bi muwalat al-muminin wa al-nahi ' an muwalat al-kafirin ("The rule on how to show loyalty and loyalty to believers, and the prohibition to show loyalty to non-believers"): "Know that there are three types of piety and submission: obligatory-loyalty to Allah, his Messenger, the ruler, the expert in Islamic sciences, and the parent; forbidden-loyalty to the oppressor and the disbeliever, because loyalty here does not matter and it is accompanied by fear and there is no respect in it; encouraged - initiation into the warriors of Allah. It is not permissible for believers to show loyalty to disbelievers because of the words of Allah the Almighty, who spoke." by: Quick, 1993, p. 21]: "You don't

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You will find a people who believe in Allah and the Last Day, so that they may love those who oppose Allah and His Messenger, even if they are their fathers or their sons or their brothers or their kindred." Surah 58: 22, 1986, pp. 450-451].

Osman dan Fodio constantly turned to the Koran, quoting it in Arabic. However, the Fulbian leader did not just reproduce the verses of the Holy Book, but also applied the canonical provisions of Islam in other conditions, in the conditions of Central Sudan Africa, addressing other social groups that have a different spiritual, religious, socio-political, and everyday experience compared to their Arab confidants. In this case, Osman dan Fodio demonstrated his own capabilities as a creator, as a person who was able to leave a mark on the history of the African world and the Islamic-African civilization. He preached to the congregation not only in Arabic, but also in Fula (or Fulfulde, Fulbe, Pel), as well as Hausa, Tamashek (one of the Tuareg languages). Some sources claim that the Sheikh also preached in the Zarooma language. Moreover, it is reliably established that he spoke the Fulbian dialects of the Futa Toro (Senegal), Futa Jallona (Guinea), Adamaua (Nigeria) and the Sahrawi Fula dialect. This fact is also confirmed by the fact that the poetry of Osman dan Fodio is now widely quoted by Muslim preachers in Nigeria. His poems are known all over West Africa.

On the one hand, Osman dan Fodio acted as a subverter of unrighteous sultans, a fighter for social justice and the observance of the law. On the other hand, Osman dan Fodio, who insisted on observing the commandments prescribed by the Koran and the Sunnah, appeared to be the guardian of the Islamic tradition. The leader of the Islamic Revolution in Central Sudan also put forward his own ideas. In particular, he proposed the concept of al-muwalat ¹, which he outlined in the above-mentioned treatise " Al-amr bi Muwalat...". The core idea of the work is the idea that a Muslim should be completely independent of any kind of government that does not recognize the authority of Allah, and that it is unacceptable to be under the authority of sarqi. Osman dan Fodio insists that all true believers should be fully aware of the value of this statement. The Shaykh's work opens with the following address :" O brothers, know that a friendly disposition (muwalat)is a good thing. to the believers, according to the Koran, Sunnah and Ijma (the agreed decision of Muslim religious and legal authorities. - A. S.), mandatory for every Muslim" [cit. by: Quick, 1993, p. 19].

Based on this commandment, the faithful should create a "territory" or "world of Islam" - Dar al-Islam, resorting to exhortations to convert non - believers to their religion, and if words do not help, then to military jihad. If the believers do not have the opportunity to convert their land into Dar al-Islam and there is an unrighteous or disbelieving ruler over them, then by the command of Allah they are ordered to leave (hijrah)² to a place where they can live according to the laws of their religion. Hijra is the reverse side of the idea of al-muwalat: incompatibility, irreconcilability with non-believers and those who have defamed the name of a Muslim by bad un-Islamic rule, injustice, and observance of pre-Islamic customs. This is clearly demonstrated by Osman dan Fodio, in particular in the treatises Kitab al-Farq (Book of Pagan Kingdoms) [Kitab al-Farq, 1960], Tanbihu'l Ikhwan (Instruction to the Brothers) [Tanbihu'l Ikhwan, 1914-1915].

^Al-Muwalat 1 (from Arabic. valiya) - generally close to such concepts as mutual friendship, mutual assistance, intimacy, patron-client relations, etc.

^Al-Hijra 2 - the migration of the Prophet Muhammad and his followers from Mecca to Medina in 622 AD, which was caused by the aggravation of religious and political contradictions between Muhammad and the Quraysh - Meccans, who did not accept the ideas of monotheism of the founder of the new religious system.

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Tanbihu'l ikhwan was written after the religious war, presumably in 1811. It reflects in some detail the ideas of Fulbe Muslims about Islam. Othman dan Fodio himself identifies his Islam with the Islam of the four great followers of the Prophet-the righteous Caliphs Abu Bakr, Omar, Othman, and Ali-thereby claiming to revive the original Muslim society of the Prophet's time in Tropical Africa. Analyzing the states of Western Sudan from the point of view of religion, he also demonstrates his knowledge of geography, the political structure of Muslim society, and the discrepancy between the universal concepts of Islam and the foundations on which the Gobir state operates. Osman dan Fodio draws an analogy of his path in the struggle for the spread of Islam with the life cycle of the Prophet Muhammad (flight from the town of Degel in Gobir to the city of Gudu is interpreted as hijra from the territory of the infidels-Dar al-Kufr - to the land of Muslims-Dar al-Islam; description of subsequent battles with superior enemy forces, the triumphant march of Islam among the image of the West African propagator of Islam and the image of Muhammad should also be evoked in the minds of readers by Hausa and the victories over the religious rulers of a number of states in Western Sudan who changed their religions).

In Tanbihu'l ikhwan and other writings, Osman dan Fodio associates the immorality of the internal politics of the Gobir authorities with unbelief; Islam, he argues, means a just attitude of the ruler towards his subjects, the eradication of corruption and double-mindedness, firmness of the given word and unwavering adherence to the revelations of Allah, set forth by the mouth of the Prophet Muhammad in the Koran and Sunnah. The level of knowledge, maturity of ideas and conviction of the author of the published treatise, in particular, is indicated by reference to the works of famous West African religious authors, such as Ahmad Baba (d. 1627), Mukhtar bin Ahmad al-Kunti (1729-1811), the famous Egyptian scholar Abd ar-Rahman al-Suyuti (1445 - 1505), lawyer and adviser to one of the rulers of the state of Songhai Muhammad bin Abd al-Kerim al-Magili (Mughili) (1493-1529).

In his socio-philosophical and poetic works, Osman dan Fodio sought to elevate the Muslim above those who remain in captivity to polytheism and pagan prejudices. The author brings to the fore the moral principles of existence, rigidly contrasting them, first, with pre-Islamic social norms and, secondly, with the socio-economic order and the spiritual, moral state of society and power in the emirates of Northern Nigeria at the turn of the XVIII-XIX centuries. The current situation in the Hausan States of this part of the Sudan, whether it is the actions of the Sarkis or the established customs, cannot be regarded as Islamic. Osman dan Fodio qualifies the state entities in Northern Nigeria, where Islam has been the dominant religion for several centuries, ³ and these states were headed by Muslims as pagan, and their leaders as "infidels". Based on the writings of Ahmad Zarruqi, the well-known Timbuktu scholar Ahmad Baba, Mukhtar Bin Ahmad al-Kunti, and the grammarian Shihab al-Din, the Fulbian spiritual and religious leader concludes that most of the Sudan in the early 19th century continues to be a" land of infidels", since " those who are Muslims are not Muslims." Muslims only by the grace of non-believers " [Tanbihu'l Ikhwan, 1914, vol. XIII, N 52, p. 413]. The point is not that the local faithful do not perform formal rituals, although this is important for Osman dan Fodio, but that they despise the principles of human existence and relationships sanctified by Islam: "People in the majority follow the example of their rulers and are in sin and do not believe in God."-

³ The Kano Chronicle and other documents, according to G. S. Kiselyov, allow us to date the emergence of Islam in the Hausa countries of the XIV century. [Kiselyov, 1981, pp. 108-130].

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be polite, obeying their lusts and idolatry " [Tanbihu'l Ikhwan, 1914, vol. XIII, N52, p. 414].

Osman dan Fodio angrily rebukes those who, calling themselves Muslims, "actually become like animals", because they indulge their whims in everything ("they eat like cattle, devouring any food, drinking any drinks they desire, and possessing women whom they desire, without a marriage contract", collect harems in the city of Osman Dan Fodio). their homes, " while the number of women in some of them... It will not reach a thousand or more" (Kitab al-Farq, 1960, p. 567). Prostitution - the employment in the cities of slave girls belonging to the sultans and their free-born female servants, bribery in the markets, forcing women to beg in order to take the collected alms from them-these are the social vices that flourish in the cities of Northern Nigeria, as described by Osman dan Fodio, a publicist. Of course, this situation is incompatible with the Islamic faith and is therefore subject to a passionate denunciation by the leader of the "Islamic revolution", who advocates the restoration of moral and religious norms.

Osman dan Fodio places the main blame for the current situation in society and the state that calls itself Muslim on the authorities, under which the country's order comes into blatant contradiction with the concepts of justice and Sharia norms. Rulers in such countries, according to the sheikh, build their power on an unrestrained desire for property and indulgence of personal base whims.: "Whoever they wish to kill or expel, or mock at the dignity of someone, or devour their wealth, they do so because of their lusts, without any legal grounds in the Sharia" (Kitab al-Farq, 1960, p. 567).

Osman dan Fodio sharply accuses Sarkis of imposing levies that are not provided for by Muslim law (in particular, on livestock, on citizens), which have nothing to do with jizya ⁴ and suppress people's business activity. For example, the levies imposed on Arab merchants by the emirate's ruler, Kurmi Mohammad Kumbari, were so heavy that" the market was almost killed " (Kitab al-Farq, 1960, p. 567, 574-575). Not only merchants were subject to taxation, but also travelers, travelers who found themselves in the "pagan kingdoms". British researchers of this part of the African continent, G. Barth and G. Clapperton, who found themselves here later, confirmed the validity of the complaints of the Fulbian reformer of society and the state in Nigeria [Barth, 1857, p. 83, 144, 145; Clapperton, 1829, p.147, 150, 215]. European researchers have stated that 20-40 years after the jihad, taxes not stipulated by Sharia law continued to exist, including in the Fulbian Emirates (although in a noticeably reduced form), where the ideas of Osman dan Fodio seemed to have won out.

The authorities also committed arbitrary acts against individuals, perverting or rejecting the relevant provisions of Sharia law and being guided solely by self-interest. In the treatise Kitab al-Farq, the Sheikh describes in detail the crimes committed by the pagan ruler (habeh). abuses, describing them as ordinary, typical phenomena for states ruled by Muslims, which are such only in name, because "they are apostates from the law of God." Removal without permission of the owner of pack animals for the transport of goods belonging to the sultan, and non-return to their owner, if he does not follow the animal (komuwa); taking away the property of a person who died in the territory of such a ruler, which "they call" nasle-

^{Jizya (jizya) -4} in Muslim countries, the poll tax from non-believers, which was levied on all adult men, except for the decrepit old, disabled, slaves and beggars; it was determined depending on the taxpayer's property status. Christians who served in the army were exempt from the jizya.

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They are satisfied" and know that this is undoubtedly an injustice "[Kitab al-Farq, 1960, p. 567-568]. There were also the practice of seizing a share of livestock if someone's herd inadvertently mixed with the sultan's animals; forced conscription of Muslims into the Sultan's army or compensation for it in cash; bribery of judges who made decisions in favor of the bribe-giver, despite knowing that the other party was right; and corruption in all levels of government, disguised as "presentation of gifts"; withdrawal of part of the goods in the markets in favor of the authorities in power.

The author's anger and indignation is caused by the custom of offering human sacrifices (even if it is a slave), which the ardent denouncer calls the most obvious proof of unbelief: "And this is due to the tricks of Satan, and the tricks of enemies, and the motives of infidels" [Tanbihu'l Ikhwan, 1914, vol. XIV, N 53, p. 59].

All these denunciations are primarily focused on the social aspects of public life. It is precisely the contempt for the law shown by the authorities themselves, who are called, according to God's instructions, to set an example of compliance with Sharia norms and morality, that becomes the first target of Osman dan Fodio. From his treatises, it is clear that Northern Nigeria, not to mention the lands to the west of it, at the beginning of the XIX century was a zone of syncretic Islam -a close interweaving of African traditional and Islamic norms of social, political life and ritual practice proper. He himself describes the worship of trees and water, idols and rocks to which the Hausan rulers "sacrificed." And Osman dan Fodio passes judgment that "this is unbelief" [Tanbihu'l Ikhwan, 1914, vol. XIV, N 53, p. 187].

It is characteristic that the "goals of sharia", in his opinion, are to strengthen the moral and social foundations of human existence, "... to change and expel the evil-minded and promote the good as much as possible always and everywhere " [Tanbihu'l Ikhwan, 1914, vol. XIV, N 53, p. 58]. It is the ruler of the Muslims who is responsible for observing the social rules of existence, and "all those who are in power on this earth, if they act unrighteously, will be thrown into the fire by Allah" [Tanbihu'l Ikhwan, 1914, vol. XIV, N 53, p. 58]. Such rulers will certainly include those "who sell public offices to the rich, who are hypocritical before the law, and who try to exalt what God regards as low and belittle what God has exalted; those who try to justify the forbidden." The Fulbian author does not forget to mention those who commit religious offenses - those who "deviate from the Sunnah" [Tanbihu'l Ikhwan, 1914, vol. XIV, N53, p. 58].

But while stigmatizing the disbelief, vices, and mismanagement of the Sarkis, and harshly accusing them of violating ethical norms, deceit, and corruption, Osman dan Fodio does not forget to remind them of the responsibilities of state leaders, their special responsibility to the people and to Allah. They are designed to demonstrate a great example of spiritual and moral greatness, where there should be no low, selfish calculation: "O you sultans! You have no eternal right to the power and authority that Allah has entrusted to you, just as you have no right to be magnificent in this world" [Tanbihu'l Ikhwan, 1914, vol. XIV, N53, p. 56].

The world of the Hausan sultanates appears as corrupt, corrupt, duplicitous, and oppressive in the writings of Osman dan Fodio. And the main reason for this is the disbelief of those who, by the will of fate, found themselves at the head of the state. They, the rulers, are the main cause and trouble of Muslims under the rule of the unrighteous Sarkis. But the world outlined clearly does not belong to the world of African traditional culture and law. The author of treatises in this regard repeatedly mentions that the peoples inhabiting the sultanates, despite all the unrighteousness of their leaders, accepted Islam voluntarily. In particular, in Bornu, Katsin, Kano, Songhai and parts of the Zegzeg Sultanate, "all the people are Muslim". As for the land located to the south of-

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If I fall from the Hausa country, then the beginning of Islamization there dates back to the time of the well-known Timbuktu jurist and philologist Ahmad Baba (Abu-l - Abbas Ahmed ibn Ahmed ibn Omar-the second half of the XVI-1627): "Islam was adopted during his lifetime by some kings and other people of these parts."

However, in most of the Hausa state entities, the Fulbian leader states with conviction, Islam has spread widely not only among the rulers, but also at the lower levels of local society, although previously only a few Hausa were Muslims. Here Osman dan Fodio somewhat polemics with his co-religionist Ahmad Baba, a scholar who even 200 years before him considered the land of Hausa "the land of Islam", since its rulers were Muslims [Tanbihu'l Ikhwan, vol. XIV, N 53, 1914, p. 54]. With some irony, the sheikh notes that "every educated Muslim thinks from the height of knowledge of his age, and since conditions are subject to change, the treatment varies depending on the disease" [Tanbihu'l Ikhwan, 1914, vol. XIV, N 53, p. 54]. At the same time, Osman dan Fodio once again reminds that no matter how numerous Muslims are, an unrighteous ruler cannot be considered a Muslim, and his entire country becomes a non-Islamic territory (Dar al-Kufr), with which Muslim countries are obliged to break off trade and other relations: "Trade with enemies is shameful the case... "[see: Tanbihu'l Ikhwan, 1915, vol. XIII, N 52, 1914, p. 413; The Wathiqat Ahl al-Sudan..., 1961, p. 239].

Under these circumstances, it is the duty of true believers to leave the kingdom ruled by an unrighteous sultan and perform hijrah to Islamic territory (Dar al - Islam) in accordance with the command of Allah. However, evil must be resisted not only passively - "the prohibition of evil is obligatory, in accordance with consent" [The Wathiqat Ahl al-Sudan, 1961, p. 239]. Hence the obligation of believers to conduct jihad "in accordance with consent", because it is necessary "to wrest the rule from him (a pagan or apostate ruler from Islam - A. S. ) in accordance with consent" [The Wathiqat Ahl al-Sudan..., 1961, p. 240]. The spiritual and religious leader of the jihad is outraged by the hypocrisy of those Sarki Hausa who "confuse the observance of Islam with the maintenance of pagan norms" [The Wathiqat Ahl al-Sudan..., 1961, p. 240]. According to Osman dan Fodio, these are the majority. To wage war "against them and against the deviant Muslims who have no loyalty to the Emir of the faithful" [The Wathiqat Ahl al-Sudan..., 1961, p. 240] is obligatory for real Muslims.

The course of the Fulbe revolt against Habe Sarki is described in a number of prose and poetic works, including "Tanbih'u l'ihwan", " Vatikat ahl al-Sudan...", written in the form of treatises, and poetic accounts of the course of battles with the troops of the Hausan Sarki. In particular, in the seventh part of Tanbih'u l'ihwan, Osman dan Fodio uses the work of his brother Abdullahi, prepared at his request, as a historical description of the causes and course of jihad.

From the narration, it becomes known that Osman dan Fodio, upon reaching maturity, began to actively preach in Gobir the basics of true faith and a righteous way of life, which consisted primarily in observing the Islamic moral and moral rules of the community and finally rejecting pagan rituals and behavior, in which a person is a slave to pagan prejudices, an inseparable part of nature. The future sheikh supported people's confidence in the effectiveness of faith and the power of the consubstantial God. Osman dan Fodio's devotion to the teaching presented, his brilliant knowledge of the Koran, the writings of Arab and local African Malams, his erudition in matters of geography, Arabic, history, personal piety, justice and honesty gained him great authority among the people, but caused resistance among some scholars, "who argued and denied his mission" [Tanbihu'l Ikhwan, 1915, vol. XIV, N 54, p. 189].

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Meanwhile, the fame of Osman dan Fodio crossed the borders of Gobir, and his associates began to enjoy authority. Not only Gobir residents, but also Muslims from other sultanates came to the Sheikh for advice and inspiration, complaining about the oppression inflicted by the authorities, extortion and injustice allowed by the sultans and their deputies in violation of the Sharia. If at first the spiritual and religious leader of the growing movement tried not to interfere in the relationship between sultans and people, then later the gap between him and sarki became open. The growing authority of Osman dan Fodio and the increasing number of his followers infuriated them. The war began, according to the version of the brother of the Fulbian spiritual leader, which Osman dan Fodio himself cited in his essay, with an attack by Sultan Gobir on the sheikh's students.

Abdullahi goes on to briefly describe the course of the battle battles with the Sultan, constantly likening the actions and sequence of actions of the Fulbian "Islamic revolutionary" to the military actions of the Prophet Muhammad and the events in Mecca and Medina in the early seventh century. The messianism of Osman dan Fodio's truly extensive work is emphasized by both his brother and the authors of other Hausan writings. This reflected the expectations of the oppressed Fulbe of the arrival of the Mahdi (Arab. - messiah, savior). This is expressed, in particular, in the work "Alamomin bayyanar Mahadi" ("Signs that mark [the phenomenon] Mahdi"):

Listen, at this time, when the Mahdi will appear,
Know that the circumstances will become obvious:
First of all, greed among the Ulama
And the love of this world, they will not seek the mercy of Allah.
Second, legal decisions that are not based on the Qur'an,
Know that in the future, obedience to Islam will disappear...
Fourth, men will ask in vain for alms from the rich.
Fifth, and the devils will put on a mask of honor and boast ...
Seventh, good neighborliness will be discarded,
But piety is forgotten, and evil will is accepted in return.
Eighth, they will displace the truth,
There will be lies and hatred in this place...
and finally, tenth, modesty will also be removed,
Men and women will not feel shame...
but in this position, Allah will open his way,
The Mahdi will appear, and the nations will pay him all their allegiance

[Cit. by: Alamomin..., 1984, p. 162].

Written in the Hausa language, this essay by the authoritative British researcher of Islam in West Africa, M. Hiskett, does not hesitate to refer to the works of Osman dan Fodio.

In other poetic works, such as Waqar Gargadi ("Poem of Invocation") and Ma'ama'are, the spiritual and religious leader of the Nigerian Fulbe, in particular, shows himself to be a passionate believer who deeply regrets that he was not able to visit the tomb of the Prophet Muhammad:

...Where we could be together.
[But] this place is in my heart, as if I had visited it. -
And Mecca, and Medina, and the very Garden [in which his sarcophagus rests]

[Ma'ama'are, 1984, p. 160].

For the author of the quoted poem, the pilgrimage to the holy places of Islam has become a symbol of the beauty, as well as the nobility of authentic Islam. Syncretic Islam, in his feelings, was a violation of the norms of Islam, the above-mentioned qualities of this religion.

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In addition to socio-political, journalistic, religious and moral topics, Osman dan Fodio's writings contain information on the geography, ethnic composition, and history of Western and Central Sudan, reflecting the level of knowledge in the relevant fields of science. The main purpose of Osman dan Fodio's writings was to justify the attitude of the Fulbian Malams towards the Hausan states strictly in accordance with the letter of Muslim law. If the Hausan states could be called the "territory of Islam," the Fulbe would have no right to do so. But if these states did not represent Dar al-Islam, then the overthrow of their rulers, the abolition of former tax acts and the establishment of a tax system in accordance with Islam, the transfer of all land to Muslim conquerors - all this was a legitimate action.

The Sheikh naturally concludes that the Khausan states do not belong to Dar al-Islam. And it proves this scrupulously, accusing the rulers on points, and as a result, the entire society. How the Islamic order was established in the Socotan caliphate that emerged as a result of the Fulbic jihad can be seen from the excerpts quoted by the founder of the caliphate from the answer of the North African theologian and legal scholar Muhammad ibn Abu al-Kerim al-Magili (d. 1503/4) to the Songhaian ruler (Askia) al-Hajj Muhammad I to seven questions about the application of Sharia norms. In them, the authoritative medieval faqih calls for using all methods, including imprisonment, beating, crucifixion, confiscation of property, to save the sinner if he persists in his error ("You should not tolerate anyone who persists in this and does not back down, because violations of this kind affect the exclusive rights of God and his Prophet"). [Tanbihu'l Ikhwan, vol. XIV, N 54, 1915, p. 186]. Osman dan Fadio shares the view of al-Maghili regarding "sinners" and "erring ones", who, in particular, is known for the fact that in 1492, when the letter quoted by Osman dan Fadio was written, organized Jewish pogroms in the Tunisian Tuab, setting a price of seven miskals for the head of each Gentile killed [Palmer, 1914, p. 407-408].

The letter cited in the excerpts [see: Kubbel, 1974, p.51-52; Tarikh al - Sudan, 1984, p. 179-181, 184; Willis, 1967, p. 400] allows us to conclude that the tradition of storing and actively using written documents existed and was maintained in West African Muslim society. Moreover, they have become a part of culture, an important element in the argumentation of their own views, a confirmation of the thesis about the civilizational continuity of this part of the Muslim world, about the reproduction, deepening and development of the existing model of civilization, about the transition of a part of African society from Afro-Islamic to the Islam-African stage of the formation of Islamic civilization and from, as a complete system.

This also suggests the influence of Wahhabi ideas on the "Islamic revolution" in Northern Nigeria, which affected the situation throughout Western and Central Sudan. Along with M. Hiskett, other researchers have written about the impact of Wahhabism on Islam in Tropical Africa at the beginning of the 19th century. Princeton University J. R. Willis [Willis, 1967], B. Callaway and L. E. Berman [Callaway and Creevey, 1994, p. 174-176], S. E. Quinn [Quinn, 1979, p. 233], Czech Africanist - Islamic scholar I. Hrbek [Hrbek, 1979, p. 174-176]. 213], British - A. Wilks (1966). True, Osman dan Fodio himself does not mention the term "Wahhabism" anywhere, but the close ties with the centers of the Muslim world, which were expressed both in the pilgrimages to Mecca and Medina that became commonplace, and in the determination to impose Islamic norms of the world order demonstrated by the sheikh and other African faqihs, allow us to say: this religious and political trend in Islam had an impact on the reformer, and through his activist-

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It determined the formation of the West African Islamic society, confirmed its essential connection with the Arab-Muslim, central part of the Islamic world, and its continuity in time relative to the Islamic civilization.

Although Wahhabism is hostile to the Sufism of Muslim spiritual orders (tariqas, fraternities), Osman dan Fodio, being at the same time the leader of the most widespread Qadiriya tariqa at that time, managed to use the ideas of Muhammad Bin Abd al-Wahhab as a weapon in the fight against his opponents. A number of statements by Osman dan Fodio allow us to conclude that he is familiar with the essence of the teachings of the Arabian theologian: "To go to the sources [of Islam. - A. S. ] - to find the best basis for a reasoned judgment"; " if it is impossible to restrain him [who opposes the norms of Sharia. - A. S. ], the only course of behavior is to cut off his hand or kick him, crucify him, or kill him, or punish him in any other way permitted by sharia law. You must punish him, because he is a villain, and the villain is subject to punishment."; "Forbid non-believers to openly do what is forbidden in eating, drinking, or otherwise during the month of Ramadan, since the Gentiles in your country mix with the faithful in markets and other public places" [Tanbihu'l Ikhwan, vol. XIV, N 54, 1915, p. 186].

In any case, these excerpts from the work of Osman dan Fodio are organically intertwined with the general flow of reforming the West African Islamic world, where Wahhabi teaching could well play the role of the missing ideological component that the jihadists in Western and Central Sudan so needed. Wahhabism, according to M. Hisket, even contributed to the reform of Sufi orders, "it gave a new breath to the ancient [order] Qadiriyah" [Hiskett, 1984, p. 157]. And the result of the Sufi revival, which was inspired by Wahhabism, was the emergence of a new powerful tariqa Tijaniyya, which spread literally throughout Muslim Africa in a few decades and outstripped all other orders in terms of influence.

The creative activity of Osman dan Fodio as a writer of poetic texts and treatises of socio-political and religious content largely confirms the assumption of a very high level of development of the literature of socio-political thought in this part of Sudan. Nevertheless, his works are significantly higher than the works of other authors in terms of the acuteness of the problem statement, the level of their comprehension and interpretation, as well as in terms of journalistic temperament. Following the works of Osman dan Fadio, there are works on similar problems of his brother Abdullahi, son of Muhammad Bello, as well as poems by his daughter, Nana Asmau, historian Abd al-Qadir Ben al-Mustafa and almost our contemporary Mallam Boya. They describe the activities of their fellow countryman, attempt to interpret his religious, political, social and economic views, and the practice of their application ^.5

The main result of the Fulbian reformer's activity should be considered the inclusion of the Hausan sultanates in the caliphate, which, according to the Russian (now working in the United States) Africanist G. S. Kiselyov, marked "the beginning of a completely new stage of socio-political development of local society, characterized not only by a change in the ethnic composition of the ruling class, but also by the emergence of more advanced forms of socio-political organizations" [Kiselyov, 1981, p. 3]. In solidarity with the expert's conclusion, I note that an even more serious and large-scale consequence remained out of sight of G. S. Kiselyov: the victory of the Islamic revolution in the Hausa country meant the final rooting of the Islamic civi-

⁵ In particular, G. S. Kiselev writes about this [Kiselev, 1981, pp. 27-29].

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inventory management. Since that time, the evolution of society in Northern Nigeria has been determined by internal patterns inherent in the emerging socio-cultural system ^.6

The sociocultural community that has emerged since the era of the jihadist leader is genetically, functionally and in a value sense more part of the Islamic world than the African world. The fate and evolution of the Islamic world will be more determined by the internal contradictions, laws and interests of the Islamic civilization than by the African civilization.

list of literature

Kiselev G. S. Hausa. Essays on ethnic, social, and political history (up to the 19th century). Moscow: Glav. ed. east. lit-ry, 1981.

Koran / Translated and commented by I. Y. Krachkovsky. east. lit-ry, 1986.

Kubbel L. E. Songhai Power. Opyt issledovaniya sotsial'no-politicheskogo stroya [The experience of social and political system research]. east. lit-ry, 1974.

Olderogge D. A. Western Sudan in the XV-XIX centuries. Essays on the history and history of culture / / Proceedings of the Institute of Ethnography of the USSR Academy of Sciences. New Series, vol. 53, Moscow-L., 1960.

Sledzevsky I. V. The rise of Osman dan Fodio and the formation of the Sokoto Caliphate// Istoriya Nigeriia v novoe i sovremennoe vremya [History of Nigeria in the new and modern times]. east. lit-ry, 1981.

Sorokin P. A. Social and cultural dynamics. A study of changes in the larger systems of art, truth, ethics, law, and social relations. St. Petersburg: RKHGI Publ., 2000.

"Tarikh as-Sudan "("History of the Sudan") and "Tarikh al-fattash fi-akhbar al-buldan wa-l-juyush wa-akbar an-nas" ("History of the seeker of messages about countries, armies and noble people") / / Sudanese Chronicles / Translated from Arabic. L. E. Kubbel M.: Chief editor. east. lit-ry, 1984.

Alamomin bayyanar Mahadi / Translated by A. D. Savateev / / Hiskett M. The Development of Islam in West Africa. L. - N.Y.: Longman, 1984.

Barth H. Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa. Vol. II. L., 1857.

Callaway B., Creevey L. The Heritage of Islam. Women, Religion and Politics in West Africa. Boulder-London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1994.

Clapperton H. Journal of a Second Expedition into the Interior of Africa. L., 1829.

Hrbek I. The Early Period of Mahmadu Lamin's Activities // Studies in West African Islamic History. Vol. I. The Cultivators of Islam / Ed. by J.R. Willis. L.: Frank Cass, 1979.

Kitab al-Farq: A Work of the Habe Kingdoms, attributed to Uthman dan Fodio // Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. Vol. XXIII. N 3. L., 1960.

Ma'ama'are / Trans. Savateeva A.D. / / Hiskett M. The Development of Islam in West Africa. L. -N.Y.: Longman, 1984.

Palmer H.R. An Early Fulani Conception of Islam // Journal of the African Society. Vol. XIII. N 52. L., 1914.

Quick A.H. The Concept of al-muwalat in Sokoto Caliphate and the Resulting Dilemma at the Time of British Conquest // Islam et societes au Sud du Sahara. P., 1993. N 7.

Quinn Ch.A. Maba Diakhou and the Gambian Jihad, 1850 - 1890 // Studies in West African Islamic History. Vol. 1. The Cultivators of Islam / Ed. by J.R. Willis. L.: Frank Cass, 1979.

Sulaiman J. A Revolution in History. The Jihad of Usman dan Fodio. L.: Mansell Publishing, 1986.

Tanbihu'l Ikhwan // Journal of the African Society. L., Vol. XIII. N 52, 1914; Vol. XIV. N 53, 1915; Vol. XIV. N54, 1915.

The Wathiqat Ahl al-Sudan: A Manifesto of the Fulani Jihad // Journal of African History. 1961. Vol. II. N 2.

Wilks I. The Position of Muslims in Metropolitan Ashanti in the Early Nineteenth Century // Islam in Tropical Africa. L., 1966.

Willis J.R. Jihad fi Sabi Allah. Its Doctrinal Basis in Islam and Some Aspects of its Revolution in Nineteenth Century West Africa // Journal of African History. 1967. Vol. VIII. N 3.

⁶ The outstanding sociologist and cultural critic P. A. Sorokin proved this statement: "As soon as the sociocultural system - with all its properties, its modus vivendi and modus agendi-emerged, it already contained the future intended for it. At every moment of its existence and activity, it creates it, defines it, and shapes it. In this sense, any socio-cultural system is... the creator of his own destiny "[Sorokin, 2000, pp. 743-743, 747-748].

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