On November 28, 2007, the Center for Sociological and Political Studies of the Institute of Africa of the Russian Academy of Sciences hosted a round table on the topic "Problems of civil society formation in African countries".

Opening the meeting, Head of the Department. Professor Yu. V. Potemkin noted that in the complex of problems of socio-economic, political and cultural development of African countries, a prominent place in recent decades has been occupied by the formation of civil society. At first glance, the specific conditions in most States in the region preclude any real opportunities for raising these issues, especially given the Western origin and loose content of the concept of civil society itself. Nevertheless, there are many works in the West that somehow try on his "clothes" to African and other countries of the South. In the documents of a number of African countries and in the African Union program "But-

The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) also recognizes the importance of building civil society.

Taking into account that at the present stage the main (or in fact the only) feature of civil society in Africa, at least in Tropical Africa, is the presence of a number of non-governmental organizations operating in both country and cross-country frameworks, it is necessary to take into account the extreme narrowness of their social base. The creation and functioning of" real " civil organizations can only be provided by relatively wealthy and educated people. The professional and corporate nature of these organizations (lawyers, doctors, entrepreneurs, etc.) determines their inability to express the interests of the poor illiterate mass of the population. In this regard, there is a need to analyze the factors that affect, mainly negatively, the possibilities of eventual movement from the emerging civil society to its more complete formation.

The problems of the possibility/impossibility of developing civil society in African countries were discussed at the VI International Conference of Africanists (1994). At that time, the leitmotif of most speeches was to deny such a possibility, although with some nuances of conceptual and country (geographical) order. Is it worth discussing these issues again after a short period in terms of history? It seems worth it, and here's why.

First, these years are marked by significant institutional developments, in particular, the establishment-whether spontaneous or forced - of the dominance of liberal-democratic ideology in the minds of the African political elite.

Secondly, there have been significant structural and political shifts along the same lines. Approaches to the role of the state in social development have changed. Accordingly, the nature of political regimes changed - though mainly in form, but also in substance (South Africa, for example).

Third, the problem of civil society itself-as applied to the socio-political, cultural, confessional, economic and other realities of African countries - is poorly developed in Russian African studies.

All this, I think, should be discussed.

N. D. Kosukhin (Institute of Africa) made a presentation on "Problems of civil society formation in African countries". The progress of African countries on the path of democratic development, he noted, is taking place in an atmosphere of heated discussions about the readiness of modern African society for democratic transformation. Democracy not only makes civil society essential, but also creates conditions for its emergence and development. This raises the question, what are the basic characteristics of civil society and the opportunities for their emergence and development in the African region?

First of all, he stressed that civil society is an indicator of the maturity of society, its qualitative characteristics, the way of life of citizens who defend their rights and interests, realize their potential in the economy, private business or socio-political activities.

Is it possible for such qualities to appear in a modern traditional African society, which is being modernized in the following directions: a) the development of market relations and the disintegration of subsistence farming, progressive social stratification; b) the weakening of intra-communal ties and the strengthening of the economic and social independence of small families; c) the disintegration of traditional structures of the African village, the degradation of traditional cultural values and public morals.

In these circumstances, the emergence of elements of civil society is directly related to the activities of State institutions that seek to develop the social activity of the population of their countries. In recent years, the political and social activity of the population has increased in the course of political liberalization. In relation to some African countries, we can talk about the emergence of elements and principles of civil society, in particular the principle of separation of powers, the development of parliamentarism, multi-party system, the emergence of opposition, various forms of public activity of the population, socio-political organizations (trade unions) and movements, non-state media.

At the same time, the report stressed that the development of elements of civil society depends on which social forces are interested in its formation. It is well known that the active force and social base for the formation and development of democratic institutions and

civil society is represented by the middle strata. In African countries, they are represented by the entrepreneurial national bourgeoisie, employees, people of liberal professions, students, technical personnel of industrial enterprises, etc.

These strata of African society are divided, far from social integration and consolidation, and do not have their own political associations and organizations. Their influence on the political process takes place within the framework of patrimonial relations. In such circumstances, the intelligentsia plays a crucial role in the development of civil society in Africa. This is reflected in the activities of political parties as an institution of civil society and the political system. The functioning of political parties as an agent of two-way communication between civil society and the state and activities aimed at meeting the needs of the population through political structures takes place through parliamentary work, as well as the mobilization of citizens to put pressure on government structures.

In African countries, the growth of civil society is conditioned by the influence of traditional, ethno-religious relations. This does not mean that Western models of democracy and civil society should be completely copied.

In conclusion, N. D. Kosukhin stressed that the central problem of civil society in African conditions is the problem of a person freed from natural ties and attachments to the family and community. At the same time, this civilizational specificity of the continent ensures human survival by developing forms of adaptation to the conditions of the free market.

A. A. Tkachenko's speech (Institute of Africa) was devoted to the formation of civil society as an attempt to overcome civilizational dead ends in the development of society.

The processes of formation of individual structures (or protostructures) of civil society on the continent are currently different from those that took place in developed democracies, and it is likely that their originality - in terms of the pace, forms, and degree of involvement of different socio-political forces - will increase. The establishment of universal principles of democracy, as well as the formation of institutions and structures characteristic of any civil society, is unlikely to be simultaneous, "linear" and conflict-free.

The main problem of the formation of civil society is the appearance of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) on the political landscape in an over-etatized and over-bureaucratized environment, their interaction with state institutions and structures. The future of civil society depends on their fate. As well as the ability to combine modern and traditional forms and institutions of democracy. The art of reformers, political will and political culture will have a decisive impact on the processes of social modernization in African countries.

The positive experience and initiatives of the Group of Eight on partnership with countries in Africa (the NEPAD Program) and the Middle East (the Sea Island Summit Initiative, 2004) to support social and economic reforms, as well as the failed attempts at social modernization, at least over the past half century inspire cautious optimism. An important aspect of the problem under consideration is the prospects for a possible "drift" to the sidelines of social and economic development.

V. I. Gusarov (Institute of Africa), speaking about the peculiarities of the emergence of civil society in the countries of North Africa, noted that his idea penetrated the Greek colonies of this region much earlier than in other parts of Africa, namely, in the time of Aristotle (384 - 322 BC), whose writings covered all aspects of civil society. areas of expertise. He formulated the concept of civil society. But it applied only to the free people of the slave state. And the main productive force of such a state - slaves-remained outside its borders.

In recent times, elements of civil society (parties, professional associations, and various kinds of public organizations) began to emerge again in North Africa as parts of it were seized by European colonizers. Sometimes these elements were formed independently on a national basis, and in many cases appeared as branches of similar parties and organizations in metropolitan areas. And this did not happen at the same time, but in different historical periods. Thus, in Egypt and Tunisia, they appear in the late XIX century, in Algeria-in the 20-30s of the XX century, in Morocco - in the 30s-40s of the XX century, in Libya, Mauritania and Sudan - in the 1940s.

In the second half of the twentieth century, under the direct and indirect influence of the world socialist system, socialist ideas spread in North Africa, transforming the world economy.-

In the region, they were transformed into various kinds of" national socialisms " (Islamic, Dustur, Arabic, etc.). Under such conditions, civil society was allowed to perform only secondary functions insofar as they did not engage in open confrontation with the authoritarian regimes that existed in most cases.

The collapse of the world system of socialism and its disintegration inevitably forced the countries of North Africa to reconsider their previous ideological attitudes and abandon most of their existing provisions. Then I remembered the long-forgotten concept of GO, which we should strive for in the framework of modern trends in the democratization of public life. There are examples of successful and long-functioning civil defense and democracy systems in the world. First of all, it is Iceland with the oldest parliament in Europe, as well as Norway, Sweden and Finland. It is these States and their GO systems that North African countries can now look to for ways to build their own civil societies.

N. I. Vysotskaya (Institute of Africa) emphasized that the problem of civil society formation in Africa began to be recognized as relevant only in the early 1990s. Given the discontent of Africans with authoritarian forms of government, the West, concerned about the prolonged economic crisis on the continent, suggested that Africa should be democratized. Democratization was seen as the way to its economic recovery. It was also assumed that after almost 30 years of authoritarianism, one-party regimes would be abandoned and political systems copied from the metropolises in the early 1960s would return.

The political culture that began to form here in colonial times in the postcolonial society reflected all its features-the social disunity inherent in it, the continuing clannishness, and the growing ethnic contradictions. The first steps of democratization were associated with the holding of legislative, executive and local government elections. The numerous parties that emerged in the conditions of permitted multiparty did not have time and failed to acquire programs that could interest voters, and in order to attract the electorate, they chose the method of politicizing tribalism and using tribal and clan ties. The very first election campaigns showed that even the westernized part of the upper class of African society is experiencing strong pressure from tradition. As will become clear later, while responding to calls for modernizing African society, the political elite also constantly appealed to traditions and customs. In doing so, she willingly or unwittingly fed its archaic foundations.

Subsequent events show that the political elite, which aspires to power and the appropriation of natural resources, has and defends its own special interests, separate from the masses, which determine its political behavior. In order to achieve its goals, it still needs traditional solidarity and therefore cultivates patronage-client relations. Local structures are often referred to by Africans themselves as civil society. Indeed, the self-sufficiency of a community, often reinforced by the availability of its own resources, leaves it with the opportunity to defend its interests. This does not mean that there are no public, State-independent human rights organizations in Tropical Africa, or that Africans do not need them at all. Non-governmental organizations of different orientation exist in every African country. But the level of socio-economic and political development of these countries is not yet favorable for creating conditions for the formation of a civil society on their basis.

O. B. Gromova (Institute of Africa) believes that respect for human rights is the foundation of democracy, an indicator of the maturity of civil society. With the spread of democratic values, principles and institutions in Africa, the issue of respect for and protection of human rights could not be overlooked by organizations such as NGOs. In the context of democratization on the continent, the importance of human rights issues for sustainable development and security has been recognized. Governmental and intergovernmental human rights commissions are being set up, and the African Commission on Human Rights and the African Court of Human Rights, established in 2004, are operating, which is generally favorable for human rights activities.

But human rights organizations are still young and weak, even though they are working to promote and protect fundamental human rights - economic, social, civil and political - in Africa in accordance with international legal standards. Emphasis is placed on legal protection, legal aid, monitoring of human rights violations, and other legal issues.-

For example, creating a data bank on violations, transmitting recommendations to the authorities on how to eliminate them, as well as providing legal education to the general public, organizing legal literacy training programs, and preparing publications on the problem.

In general, non-governmental organizations for the protection of human rights in Africa are becoming an increasingly visible phenomenon in the public life of countries in the region. Their work is one of the components of the global human rights movement.

According to L. M. Sadovskaya (Institute of Africa), the problem of the relationship between the state and civil society is recognized as relevant in official documents of a number of African countries, in the program of the African Union "New Partnership for Africa's Development", declarations of various international forums. They emphasize that Governments should accept that civil society organizations participate in the governance process as development partners and in the drafting of laws that relate directly to their activities.

Representatives of civil society, using the parliamentary system (through parliamentary investigations), can influence the executive branch, and can exert some influence on the judiciary, even if in a limited form. Thus, the Constitution of South Africa of 1996 allows public representatives to participate in the nomination of candidates for judicial rank and attend hearings on this issue held by the Judicial Service Commission, but without the right to vote.

The priority of State policy should be to support non-governmental organizations that promote the moral, cultural and educational development of the general population. Consequently, only partnerships, not confrontations between the State and civil society, can contribute to democratic development.

N. Z. Fakhrutdinova (Institute of Africa) believes that the concept of civil society is based on individual participation of citizens in social development. Religion, and Islam in particular, has a powerful mobilising force for such participation. According to the speaker, Muslims are more united by the concept of collective community (ummah) than Christians. At times, it was Islam that became the banner of Muslims ' struggle for their rights, and often non-governmental political institutions were created on the basis of religion, which later represented the only opposition forces on the basis of which leading political parties were formed (for example, the Khatmiyya and Ansariya orders in Sudan). Sunni doctrine dictates that the head of State must be elected. So democratic values are not the prerogative of Western civilization, as is often claimed in the world press.

Meanwhile, the attitude of Western society to the problem of the formation of civil society in Muslim countries is full of stereotypes. Thus, G. Fuller, in his book "The Future of Political Islam "(New York, 2003), among the three main" crisis zones " of the Arab world, names the lack of political freedoms that hinder the use of human potential; the low level of education of the population, which makes it impossible to adapt to the conditions of the modern world; and the low social status of women.

It is difficult to disagree with Fuller's second point, but in Muslim countries there is a struggle against illiteracy, and its solution is a matter of time. As for political freedoms, the existence of parliaments, trade unions, multiparty organizations, a significant number of non-governmental, cultural and political organizations, foundations and centers has long been the norm of life in most Muslim countries. His thesis about women also seems unfair. Muslim women are a powerful political force. They are the keepers of the home and educators of a new generation. In the history of Muslim countries, there are many examples of women's organizations fighting for their rights, and they have repeatedly put forward vital demands in the interests of strengthening the institution of the family. Women's organizations are still active today and are an element of civil society. They operate both in their own countries and internationally. It is enough to name WLUML (Women Living under Muslim Law). It is essentially an international network of Muslim women's solidarity.

Of course, the formation of a civil society is a long process. But its implementation, or even approaches to it, are a factor of stabilization, a force that will lead to an understanding of the need for harmony and tolerance, which are so necessary for Africa.

According to N. G. Alabuzhina (Institute of Africa), over the past two and a half decades, Africa has seen an increase in active membership in public organizations. For example-

For example, in Ghana and Nigeria, by 2000, active membership rates averaged 25.1% for religious organizations, 8.5% for political parties, and 6.2% for environmental organizations. In South Africa (although no surveys have been conducted for a number of years), the trend line shows a rapid increase in these rates over the 20 years since 1981: from more than 20% to 60%, from almost 2% to 8%, and from 3% to almost 12%, respectively. During the study period, these organizations have become more influential. These organizations include youth clubs that provide support for projects to improve public welfare and development in general; various associations of environmentally sound technology that have organized cooperation between farmers, university scientists and government agencies to reduce the level of poisoning with chemical fertilizers, including pesticides.

Civil society and the media play an important role in providing monitoring, such as assessing government accountability and reducing incentives for corruption. In a number of countries, rampant illegal trade in natural resources (such as diamonds) and endangered species flourishes thanks to customs officials in the absence of proper control over the customs service. An active civil society makes it easier for environmental agencies and other agencies to publish facts about poor governance. In Cameroon, for example, it has played an important role in overseeing the new order of logging concessions.

E. N. Korendyasov (Institute of Africa) believes that the creation of civil society in Africa should follow the path of synthesis and convergence. For example, in Mali, a country that is considered a beacon of democratization, there are 72 parties. But representatives of only 15 of them entered the government. The rest can function as elements of civil society.

E. E. Lebedeva (IMEMO RAS) addressed both the general theoretical problems of the dynamics and existence of civil society itself, and the use of this concept in relation to Africa, especially in the context of globalization. I. V. Sledzevsky (Institute of Africa), in particular, noted that in assessing the situation in Africa, we should not replace the actual African reality with our own ideas about it. It is especially important to consider empirical aspects. If we talk about the future, then civil society may be replaced by multiculturalism. At the same time, if the first priority is given to the citizen, then multiculturalism denies it. L. Ya.Prokopenko (Institute of Africa) touched upon the UN's attitude to civil society. While attaching great importance to the concept of such a society, the United Nations, in its preparations for the World Summit on the Information Society (Geneva, 2003, Tunis, 2005), recognized that civil society is a necessary step to take advantage of the significant opportunities (and challenges) associated with information and communication technologies (ICTs). Modern practice shows that effective use of ICTs requires joint actions of business, government and civil society.

V. G. Shubin (Institute of Africa), when studying the problems of civil society development in Africa, called for more attention to be paid to the specifics of individual countries. This will allow us to see more clearly the process of formation of those elements that may arise on the whole continent in the future. L. V. Geveling (ISAA at Moscow State University) He believes that the following questions should not be overlooked when studying this phenomenon: how much does civil society need Africa? are citizenship and civil society synonymous? can the latter be considered a certain stage in the development of the state?

In general, the discussion showed that the participants of the round table did not differ fundamentally on the main subject of the discussion. Although different views were presented on civil society (some believe that some African countries already have some elements of it, others that these elements are just emerging, and still others that the conditions for their emergence have not yet developed) Speakers agreed that one of the main priorities of African States claiming to have elements of civil society should be to support those non-governmental organizations that contribute to the moral, cultural and educational development of the general population.

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