In 1993, excavations of the necropolis of the ancient Greek city of Apollonia Pontic resumed in the vicinity of Sozopol, in the area of Kalfata. They are a continuation of the excavations carried out by Bulgarian archaeologists in the late 1940s1 . The new site is located approximately 500 m south of the old site. From 1993 to 1998, 168 burial complexes were discovered here with a large number of funerary equipment: jewelry and various dishes dating from the second half of the fifth to the beginning of the second century BC. Erect stone walls were also discovered, which closed groups of burials accompanied by rituals peculiar to a particular family or genus, whose representatives were buried on this site. a section of the necropolis. Some graves are enclosed by arched walls.

Enclosing graves with stone walls was known in ancient Greece in the geometric and classical eras. Thus, in the necropolis of Athens, family burial sites can be traced, on the walls of which tombstones were built ² . In 1994, the site of the necropolis of Apollonia was investigated, which was enclosed from the north-northeast and from the south by arc-shaped walls constructed of untreated stones two or three layers high. The northern wall was 0.7 m lower than the southern wall. At the base of one of these arc-shaped walls inside the site, a square stone slab made of local limestone was found, which is a tombstone stele. Next to it lay the base of this slab, broken into three parts. Obviously, the stele rested on a special base, on which it was attached with a special ledge. The stele, which faces the ground, has a length of 54.5 cm, a width of 29 cm and a thickness of 15 cm. The tombstone is a typical type for Apollonia Pontica in the form of a regular quadrilateral, carved out of limestone without any decorative ornaments (triangular pediment, cymatium patterns, various images, etc.) with a smoothed front surface, on which the personal name, patronymic or ethnicon of the deceased is carved in red ochre letters. Such tombstones usually date back to the 5th-4th centuries BC and are characteristic only of the necropolis of Apollonia Pontica ³, as in all other polis of the Black Sea region and in most cities of the Mediterranean, they are

1. Tombstone of Heracleotus Theon, son of Aristander. Apollonia of Pontus. Excavations in 1994

2. Tombstone of Heracleotus Theon, son of Aristander. Apollonia of Pontus (enlarged)

¹ Apolonia on the Black Sea. Razkopki and prouchvaniya. Ch. 2. Sofia, 1948. p. 68 sl.; Apolonia. Sofia, 1963. p. 604 pp.

² Kurtz D., Boardman J. Greek Burial Customs. L., 1971. P. 107-109. Fig. 19-20; P. 237. Fig. 48; P. 245. Fig. 53; Humphreys S. Family Tombs and Tomb Cult in Ancient Athens: Tradition or Traditionalism? // JHS. 1980. P. 105 f.; Garland R. The Greek Way of Death. L? 1985. P. 106. Fig. 23.

³ Mikhailov G. Inscriptions of intent in Sozopol prez, 1946 / / Apolonia on the Black Sea. Razkopki and prouchvaniya. Ch. 2. P. 60. Bel. 1; IGBR (2). Tabl. 225-236, 238-242.

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3. Southern wall of the necropolis. View from the southeast

they have a completely different shape, differing in a more complex decor ⁴ . The height of the letters of the inscription on the tombstone varies from 2.5-2.7 cm to 3 cm (Fig. 1, 2). The name, patronymic and ethnicon of the deceased are clearly read:

Translation: "Theon, son of Aristander, Heracleotus."

The gravestone of Theon, son of Aristander, was located at the base of the southern wall (Fig. 3) at a depth of 1.25 m. Two graves were found within a radius of 1.5-2 m, but deeper. Grave No. 66 was discovered at a depth of 1.95 m north-west of the site of the slab discovery. It was the burial of a child, apparently a girl, aged about 10 years. In her grave were a lecyph decorated with red palmette, very poorly preserved terracotta figures of a seated goddess and a reclining man, a boar figure (Figure 4) and a bronze mirror. According to the nature of the inventory, the burial can be dated no earlier than the second quarter-middle of the IV century BC. e. North-east of the site of the tombstone stele of Heracleotus, at a depth of 2.4 m, there was grave No. 67, in which a man aged approximately 35-50 years was buried (an anthropological analysis of the bone remains was performed by Dr. Ann Kinleyside) in an elongated position the head to the east according to the general rite of the Hellenic funeral ritual. Unfortunately,

⁴ Kieseritzky G., Watzinger C. Griechische Grabreliefs aus Sudrussland. V., 1909; Ivanova A. P. Sculpture and painting of the Bosporus. Kiev, 1981. p. 118 pp.; Ivanowa A. Das Grabrelief von Bosporus und Chersones // Klio. 1962. S. 88-101; Pfuhl Е., Mobius Н. Die ostgriechischen Grabreliefs. Bd I-II. Meinz, 1977; Davydova L. I. Bosporan tombstone reliefs of the V century BC-III century AD L., 1980. Cat. 1-58.

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4. Terracotta figure of a boar from burial 66

the burial equipment of this burial site consisted of only one ring-shaped bone object of unclear purpose, located near the left hip bone. According to stratigraphic observations, this burial can be dated to the first quarter of the IV century BC.

5), four ground graves N 26, 39, 41, 64 were found, which, judging by the accompanying inventory, should be attributed to the middle-second half of the IV century BC. Grave N 63 is located on an ancient wall, and grave N 25 it gets wedged in. Both burials were made at the same time: in the middle-third quarter of the IV century BC, and as a funerary inventory they are accompanied by red-figure painted lekifs dating from 360-340 BC. All burials on the site under consideration are ground, inhumation, oriented to the east. Unfortunately, the site has not been fully excavated, as its western part is blocked by a modern highway. Based on the location, sex and age characteristics and burial equipment, it can be assumed that the Heracleotus Theon, son of Aristander, could have been buried in grave No. 67.

Archaeological data show that in the early - first half of the IV century BC, the deceased of one group or family were already buried at this place, enclosing the site with a stone wall. Graves N 66 and 67 belong to this time. Sandy soils and the movement of dunes contributed to the rapid filling of the wall with sand around the middle of the IV century BC, after which they began to bury the deceased from above, enclosing the embankment from the southeast and overturning the tombstone standing over grave No. 67. Back in the late 1940s, during excavations of the necropolis, an oval stone fence was discovered that framed the burial site of members of the same family, where three burials were consecutively performed in the last quarter of the ^fifth - first half and middle of the fourth century BC5 . According to I. Venedikov, this wall ceased to perform its functions in the middle of the IV century BC, as it was filled with sand and it was soon abandoned. A similar picture is given by a painted tombstone stele found next to Wall ⁶ .

⁵ Venedikov I. Razpolozhenie na nekropolya i organizatsii na razkopkit prez 1947-1949 gg. [Location on the necropolis and organization on razkopkit prez 1947-1949].

⁶ Venedikov I., Belkov V. Tombstones of plochi from the necropolis of Apolonia / / Apolonia. P. 329. N 1161. For more information about the recent excavations of the necropolis of Apollonia Pontica and the circumstances surrounding the discovery of the tombstone stele of Heracleotus Theon, see Panayotova K. Apollonia Pontica: Recent Discoveries in the Necropolis // The Greek Colonization of the Black Sea Area. Stuttgart, 1998. P. 98 ff.

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5. North-eastern wall of the necropolis of Apollonia. View from the northeast

As can be seen from the inscription, the tombstone belongs to a native of the Black Sea city of Pontic Heraclea, who apparently moved to the western coast of the Black Sea and died in Apollonia Pontic-not in Dorian, like Heraclea, but in the Ionian polis. According to the shape of the plate, the character of the inscription font (straight, even letters, slightly shortened right gasta nu, wide omicron, small omega antennae, straight transverse gasta alpha, dotted memo), and most importantly, at the end of the genitive patronymic na-o instead of-oi, characteristic of inscriptions of the classical era at least until the middle-second ⁷ , the setting of the stele can be confidently attributed to the first half of the IV century BC. e. The linguistic features of the inscription should include the designation of the birthplace of the deceased in the Dorian vowel for the closest analogy to this spelling is given by the tombstone inscription from the Bosporan city of Nymphaeum of the IV century BC, in which you can notice the alternation of Ionian and Dorian dialects: (CIRB. 923). In Greek authors who wrote in the Attic dialect or Koine, the word has the form In numerous inscriptions from the Aegis and Black Sea region, the spelling of ethnicon is also given in the form, but most of the inscriptions date back to the fourth century BC, the Hellenistic ^and Roman eras9 . This means that our inscription dates back to before koine became widespread in the Hellenic world in the last quarter of the fourth century.

⁷ Thumb A., Scherer A. Handbuch der griechischen Dialekte. Bd II. Heidelberg, 1959. S. 252; Gartchen P., Hoffman О. Die Sprache der ionischen Inschriften // Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt- Inschriften. Bd IV. Ht 2. Abt. 2. Gottingen, 1914. S. 906, 933.

⁸ Meisterhans К. Grammatik der attischen Inschriften. Aufl. 3. V., 1990. S. 43; Comm. ad CIRB. 923. P. 513.

⁹ See, for example, the latest report on Attica: Osborne M. J., Byrne S. G. The Foreign Residents of Athens. Lovanii, 1996. P. 72-98.

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The presence of elements of the Dorian dialect in the Milesian colony of Apollonia Pontic seems to indicate that the text of the inscription could have been commissioned by the carver's relatives and was carved in this spelling. The same probably applies to the headstone from the Nedorian Nymphaeum. All this supports the above-suggested dating of the tombstone to the end of the fifth or first half of the fourth century BC, since any later date would necessarily imply writing the origin of the deceased in the form of: Therefore, the tombstone and inscription from Apollonia are perhaps the earliest evidence of the presence of immigrants from Pontic Heraclea in other Greek polis. This is a new confirmation of the close and lively relations of Heraclea with the Western Pontic cities in the late fifth and early fourth centuries BC, when the Heracleotus Theon, son of Aristander, found himself on the coast of Thrace in Apollonia Pontica.

The personal name Theon, which is not at all rare in the Hellenic world, is not so common in the Black Sea region. It is attested on the Bosporus at Tanais (CIRB.  owners of ceramic ergasteries in the III-II centuries BC ¹⁰ . The same name is found in Athens from the beginning of the fourth century B.C. to the second century A.D. ¹¹ However, most of its bearers are in Cyrenaica and the Aegis islands: Astypalea, Chios, Crete, Cyprus, Delos, Euboea (in Eretria), Ikaros, Kos, Nisyros, Paros, Samos, Phera, Phasos, Samothrace, especially in Rhodes, and everywhere from the fourth century BC to the Roman era ¹² . The range of its distribution in mainland Greece is generally quite wide: this is Achaia, where it is recorded three times in the III century BC, once in Aetolia in Calydon in the IV century BC, three times in Acarnania in the IV-II centuries BC, once in Argolis in the II - I centuries BC, nine times in the IV-II centuries BC. once - in Arcadia in the III-II centuries BC, once-in Kefallenia in the III century BC, seven times-in Laconica, including in Sparta five times, and here this name is recorded exclusively in the I century BC-III century AD, and in Messenia (Messene) twice: in the first century BC-I century AD and in the second century AD In Southern Italy, a similar personal name is attested five times in Locri of Epizephyra in the IV-III century BC, once in Campania - only in the Roman era, once in Lucania - at the turn of the Roman Empire. II-I centuries BC, once again it was found on an amphora of the III-II centuries BC. In Sicily, it was quite common - there are six known inhabitants with this name in Syracuse, Morgantine and Camarina from the fifth century BC until the Hellenistic era ^.13 It is particularly significant for our research that the name Theon was found in Boeotia (CIG. 3198) and, in particular, in Thebes (CIG. 225), since Heraclea Pontica, in addition to the Megarians, was also founded by immigrants from Boeotia and Thessaly14 . In the east of the Hellenic world, this personal name is found in Alexandria of Egypt, Sidon, Smyrna, Antioch, Tychor, Locris, Miletus, Plataea in the IV-I centuries BC. ¹⁵ As V. Pape and G. Benzeler point out, this basically theophoric name was used, as a rule, in order to call those people by it persons who were engaged in

¹⁰ Pridik E. M. Inventory catalog of stamps on amphor handles and necks and on tiles of the Hermitage collection. Pg., 1917. N 307; Grakov B. N. Ancient Greek ceramic stamps with the names of Astinomes. Moscow, 1929. P. 203.

¹¹ Osborne М.J., Byrne S.G. A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names. V. 2. Oxf., 1994. P. 225.

¹² Eraser P.M., Matthews Е. A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names. V. 1. Oxf., 1987. P. 224.

¹³ Ibid. V. ZA. Oxf., 1997. P. 209.

¹⁴ For this name in Boeotia, see Raare W., Benseler G. Worterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen. Bd I. Aufl. 3. V., 1911. s. v. Theon; for the foundation of Pontic Heraclea, see Burstem S. M. Outpost of Hellenism: The Emergence of Heraclea on the Black Sea. Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1976. P. 16-18; Saprykin S.J. Heracleia Pontica and Tauric Chersonesus before Roman Domination. Amsterdam, 1997. P. 40.

¹⁵ Rare. Benseler. Op. cit. s.v.; Munsterberg R. Die Beamtennamen auf den griechischen Miinzen. Hildesheim, 1973. Index. S. 20. (Samothrace, Eriphras); Osborne, Byrne. The Foreign Residents... N 360 (Alexandria, III-II centuries BC), N 850 (Antioch, III-II centuries BC), N 3355 (Locrida, 300 BC), N 4852, 4853 (Miletus, II-I centuries BC), N 6105 (Plataea, IV century BC).

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philosophy, science, medicine, and various other intellectual pursuits to "emphasize the educational level of the family" ¹⁶ . It is interesting that even a Thracian mercenary (c .300 BC) was the owner of such a name. ¹⁷ As for the Megarian colonies proper , this name has not yet been attested either in the Pontic Heraclea itself, or in its Apoikia Kallatis and Tauric Chersonesus, although we do not yet have a complete summary of the inscriptions from Kallatis. In the Megar-Dorian zone of colonization of the Black Sea region and the Propontis, it is found only in Byzantium (ID. 2593. Stk. 42-144 / 143 BC) ¹⁹ .

No less extensive is the geographical distribution of the personal name Aristander. In the Black Sea region, this is: 1) Aristander, son of Melissus, from Orchomenus in Arcadia, who received a proxenia in Olbia in the first half of the fourth century B.C. (NO, 4); 2) Aristander, son of Aristoxenus, an Ephebarch, buried in Amastria in Roman times (II century A.D.), where he was given a marble funerary altar with a carved cross. tombstone epitaph, who held a magistrate's position in his homeland and erected a bronze statue of Hercules in the gymnasium ²⁰ . Regarding the attribution of the birthplace of Aristander, there are two options: since the altar was found in a place to the west of Gideruz (ancient Kitor), the mention in the text of the epitaph about should indicate, according to L. Robert, on Kitor as the birthplace of Aristander. Since Kitor was transformed into Amastria in 301/300 BC as a result of Sinoikism with Cromnae and Sesamus, and for several decades was subordinate to Heraclea of Pontus, which acted as the metropolis of the newly founded community, the designation of it in the epitaph as the "city of Dora" is quite consistent with the fact that it could have been under strong Dorian influence and considered one of the colonies of Pontic Heraclea. This town could have separated from Amastria in the second century AD and existed with its own magistrate structures and gymnasia21 .

K. Marek spoke quite convincingly against this assumption. He pointed out that the functioning of the gymnasium in such a small emporium, which even in Roman times, according to the periplas, was Kitor, is very puzzling, and there is no evidence that Kitor left the Amastria in the Roman era and turned into an independent polis22 . According to Marek, the text of the epitaph does not allow us to interpret it in the sense that the birthplace of Aristander was located where the altar was discovered, especially since Kitor was never a colony of Pontic Heraclea, but was originally considered an emporium of Sinope, i.e. it is not a city of Dorian, but of Ionian origin ^.23 Consequently, the birthplace of Aristander, the son of Aristoxenes, could only be Heraclea Pontic, where he was an ephebarch and in whose gymnasium he erected a statue of Heracles, the patron saint of the city and the agons held there annually, for which he received honors from the local civil community. He was buried in a foreign land, and anyone who visited his grave must have had a good idea of what was meant by the "city of Dora" in his tombstone epitaph, since both Kitor and Amastria are historically closely connected with Pontic Heraclea.

¹⁶ Rare, Benseler. Op. cit. s. v.

¹⁷ Oshorne, Byrne. The Foreign Residents... N 2540.

¹⁸ cm. Ameling W. Prosopographia Heracleotica // Lloyd Jones. The Inscriptions of Heraclea Pontica (IK 47). Bonn, 1994. S. 143.

¹⁹ Loukopoulou L.D. Contribution a l'histoire de la Thrace Propontique. Athenes, 1989. P. 262, 263.

²⁰ Peek W. Griechische Vers-Inschriften. В., 1955. N 788; Marek К. Stadt, Ara und Territorium in Pontus-Bithynia und Nord-Galatia. Tubingen, 1993. S. 186. N 114; Ameling. Op. cit. S. 126.

²¹ Kalinka Е. Aus Bithynien und Umgegend // JOAI. 1933. XXVIII. Beibl. 59-60. N 15; Robert L. Etudes anatoliennes. P., 1970. P. 263. Not. 1; idem. A travers l'Asie Mineure. P., 1980. P. 414.

²² This point of view was expressed in his time by F. Bilabel (Bilabel F). Die ionische Kolonisation. Lpz., 1920. S.41).

²³ Marek. Op. cit. S. 17, 18; on the Ionian origin of Kitor, see Strabo. XII. 3.10; Ps. - Skyl. 90; Arr. PPE. 20; подробнее см. Ehrhardt N. Milet und seine Kolonien. Frankfurt-Bern-New York, 1983. S. 54 ff.; Maksimova M. I. Antique cities of the South-Eastern Black Sea region. Moscow-L., 1956. p. 73.

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K. Marek's explanation of this epitaph seems to us the most convincing. If all that he has said on this subject is true, then we have the personal name of Aristander, which is documented in Heraclea itself and its environs, and which is analogous to the name of Theon's father, Heracleotus, who was buried in Apollonia Pontica. Despite the fact that this personal name is generally very rare in the Black Sea region, its double recorded use in the onomasticon of Heraclea Ponticus should confirm the assumption that it could have appeared on the southern coast of Pontus with immigrants from mainland Greece even at the foundation of this Megaro-Boeotian colony around 550 BC.

In comparison with the black sea in the name of Hellas Aristander called much more often: in Eguide, for example, it is marked on Crete in 116/115 BC, four - in Cyrene IV century BC until the third century BC, and twice on Delos in the II-I centuries BC, in Euboea twice in Eretria in the IV-III centuries BC and once in Gestae-in Oreos in the middle of the III century BC, seven times on the Spit in the IV-II centuries BC, twice on Lesbos in Antissa in the II century BC, Mytilene in the first century BC - first century ad, three times - on Naxos in the II-III centuries ad twice in Paros in the IV century BC and 88 BC, where it came from the same family, among whom were sculptors (one of them, Aristander, carved personalized image of Sparta in the figure of a woman with lyre and drew a tripod in Amilah - see Paus. III.18.8) ²⁴ ; once the name is marked on Tense in the III century BC, three times - on Telos in the II-I centuries BC, but most often they are called the inhabitants of Rhodes (as a personal name Theon - see above) - seven times in the III-I centuries BC, nine times - in líndos in the III-I centuries BC and Kamerose in the III-II centuries BC ²⁵ In Athens, this name is attested 20 times V V. ²⁶ In other areas of mainland Greece, the name Aristander is attested twice in Achaia in the third century BC and on Aegina in the third and first centuries BC, and once in Aetolia in the third century BC.-II centuries BC, once in Acarnania in the II century BC, seven times in Argolis in the V-II centuries BC, seven times in Arcadia in the IV-II/I centuries BC, once in Elis in the middle of the IV century BC., once each - in Kerkyra, Illyria (Dyrrachia) and Triphylia (Pyrgia) in the III-I centuries BC, and in Sparta it is found six times and only in the II-I centuries BC. ²⁷ We can also find this name in Olynthos, Fasilida, Telmessa, Megalopolis, Magnesia on the Meander, Perinthus, Kimae, Stratonikea of the Carian, Inianae and, most importantly, in Boeotia in Orchomenus (CIG. 1569 B) ²⁸ . The latter circumstance is significant because it was from Boeotia, as in the case of the aforementioned name Theon, that the name Aristander could have come to Pontic Heraclea with one of the first colonists who arrived together with the Megarians and Thessalians. This is confirmed by the rarity of both names in the Black Sea region. We are probably not far from the truth if we suggest that the ancestors of the Heracleotus Theon, son of Aristander, may have come from Boeotia, where both these names are attested in inscriptions. These names in the Greek world are most often found in the V-IV centuries BC and in the Hellenistic era (III-I centuries BC), and less often-in Roman times. This indirectly proves the correctness of dating the tombstone from Apollonia to the very end of the V-beginning of the IV century BC.

Now it is important to establish how a native of Pontic Heraclea (a representative of this particular city, and not of any of the numerous cities of the same name

²⁴ Bechtel. Op. cit. S. 49, 69; Pape, Benseler. Op. cit. s.v. Aristandros.

²⁵ Fraser, Matthews. A Lexicon... V. 1. P. 60 f.; cp. Milnsterherg. Op. cit. Index. S. 185.

²⁶ Osborne, Byrne. A Lexicon... V. 2. P. 51.

²⁷ Fraser, Matthews. A Lexicon... V. FOR. P. 55; see also Pape, Benseler. Op. cit. s. v.; Munsterberg. Op. cit. S. 35.Index. S. 185.

²⁸ Pape. Benseler. Op. cit. s. v. (Megalopolis-Paus. VIII.30.10; Telmess - Plut. Alex. II. 52; Diod. XVII. 17); Osborne. Byrne. The Foreign Residents... P. 148. N 3424 (Magnesia on the Meander, III century BC). P. 248. N 5884 (Olynthos, IV century BC); P. 312. N 7215 (Fasilida, IV century BC); Loukopoulou. Op. cit. P. 304 (Perinthus, II-I centuries BC); Munsterherg. Op. cit. Index. S. 185 (Kims, Stratonycea Carica), 35 (Inians).

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polis, which is confirmed by the complete absence of the names of their citizens in the Pontic region) ended up on the western coast of the Black Sea in Ionian Apollonia? At one time, one of the authors of this article made a selection of epigraphic testimonies about immigrants from Pontic Heraclea in other areas of the Hellenic world. This summary has now been significantly updated with new data collected by M. Osborne, S. Byrne and W. Ameling. It should be taken into account that most of the inscriptions mentioning the Heracleots in the Left-bank Pontus date back to Roman times, and most often they lived in Odessos: Posidius, son of Dionysius (IGBR. I (2) 110 bis), Adus, son of Heracleon (IGBR. I (2). 112), Dionysius, son of Demosthenes (IGBR. I(2). 139), Chreste, daughter of Chryson (IGBR. I (2). 144), Zosimius and Menander (IGBR. I (2) 223). In Mesembria Dionysius, the son of Apella, ended his days (IGBR. I (2). 343 bis = V. Velkov. Nessebre. I. Sofia, 1969. N 27). Diomedes, the son of Diomedes (ISM. I.310 = SEG.27.377), was buried in Istria in the 4th century AD. Two Roman Heracleotic tombstones have been found at Kallatis - one of them belongs to Evander, son of Fronto (2nd century AD) ²⁹ , as well as a decree of the first century. in honor of Ariston, son of Ariston, who rendered services to the citizens of Heraclea in Pontus arriving in the city ³⁰ . In neighboring Volumes, a Latin inscription mentions the Heracleotus Aurelius Alexander, associated with the college of worshippers of Heros and Diana (AEM. 1884. VIII. 7 = ILS.4069); there is also a decree adopted by the citizens of Pontic Heraclea in honor of the governor of the province of Lower Moesia in 155-161 AD, T. Flavius Longinus Quintus Marcius Turbo, an epimelete of Heracleotes (AEM. 1884. VIII. 60 = IGBR. I (2).622). Thus, the newly discovered tombstone from Apollonia Ponticum is the oldest of all the monuments of the Western Black Sea region associated with Heraclea Ponticum, and the first tombstone of a Heracleotus in this polis.

In terms of time, this tombstone stele is close to monuments from the Northern Black Sea region. From Panticapaeum comes the tombstone of the first half of the third century BC of Heraclea Myrsina (KBN, 246), and from Nymphaeum-two tombstones of the fourth century BC: Pyrrhus, son of Eurynome (KBN, 923), and an unknown named Heraclea (KBN, 925). The tombstone of the Heracleotus Mikka, daughter of Gokon, wife of Coccus, was found in Gorgippia and dates from the end of the IV-beginning of the III century BC (KBN, 1193) ³¹ . In Olbia, in the fifth and fourth centuries BC, proxenic decrees were passed in honor of the Heracleots , a certain unknown son...dora (SA. 1963. N 3. P. 191 = NO.2), and Theophanes and Aristis, the sons of Theopropos (SA. 1958. XXVIII. p. 238 = No. 6). All these inscriptions, dating from the end of the fifth and third centuries BC, attest to the close contacts of Heraclea with the northern coast of the Euxine Pontus in the classical and Early Hellenistic epochs in connection with the foundation of the Tauric Chersonesus. ³² In Chersonesos itself, there are also a number of inscriptions related to Pontic Heraclea, but they are dated either to the boundary of the 1st century BC-1st century AD, or the 2nd century AD (see IOSPE I (2). 357, 359, 362, 544, 545; VDI. 1960. N 3. P. 156 sl.) ³³ .

Of the regions of mainland and island Greece, the largest number of Heracleots lived in Athens and Delos. The peak of Heraclea emigration to Attica occurred in the II-I centuries BC, although, according to the latest data of M. Osborne and S. Byrne, immigrants from Heraclea on the Pontus began to come to Athens in ^the V-III centuries BC34 On Delos

²⁹ AEM. 1887. XI. 138; 1891. XIV. 89; Robert J. et L. Bull. epigr. 1962. P. 225; Pfuhl, Mobius. Op. cit. N 2111; Ameling. Op. cit. S. 136.

³⁰ Saufiuc-Saveanu Т. Ariston, Aristons Sohn, aus Kallatis // Dacia. 1958. n.s. 2. S. 219. Abb. 5.

³¹ W. Ameling erroneously states that this tombstone comes from Tanais (Op. cit. S. 152).

³² For more information, see Heraclea of Pontus and Tauric Chersonesus in the VI-I centuries B.C. Moscow, 1986, p. 553; Saprykin. Op. cit. p. 59-62.

³³ For a detailed summary of the Heracleotes in the Black Sea region, see Saprykin. Pontic Heraclea ... pp. 225-227; Saprykin. Op. cit. P. 288 f.; Ameling. Op. cit. S. 121-168.

³⁴ It should be borne in mind that in the total number of Heracleots in Attica, a certain proportion of immigrants could fall on the Pontic poleis of the same name in Hellas and Asia Minor, see Ferguson W. Hellenistic Athens. L., 1911. P. 316; 81 names for the Hellenistic era, 72 names for the Roman era:

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migrants from Heraclea also appeared mainly in the second century bc35 This indicates that the migration of Heracleots from Pontus was almost constant, sometimes increasing, as in the late fifth and early fourth centuries BC, then subsiding, as in the third century BC, then increasing again, as in the second century BC^. century BC - I century AD In the Roman era, the Heracleiots ' search for a new place of residence began in the second and third centuries A.D. In the classical era, Heracleian settlers usually flocked to the Pontic cities and Athens, which was associated with the growth of Heraclea's trade at the end of the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. and with the intermediary role that it played in trade contacts between Greek poleis and barbarian tribes of the Black Sea region and the Aegis, mainly Athens. In the late Hellenistic era, the main stream of emigrants was already directed to the Eastern Mediterranean, primarily to Athens and the closely connected island of Delos, which was the result of the reduction of Pontic trade and the desire of Heraclea to find new partners and allies in the Mediterranean. ³⁶ During the Roman era, Heraclea of Pontus once again experienced another economic boom, which gave her the opportunity to rise politically - to become a neocorean, i.e. a temple guardian of the imperial cult, and to receive the status of" metropolis of the cities of Pontus", a union of Greek poleis of the Roman province of Bithynia-Pontus ³⁷ . As a result, ties with other Black Sea poleis were strengthened, especially with the Tauric Chersonese, its colony in the Crimea. This was reflected in the appearance of a series of proclamations given by the Chersonese community to the Heracleots, in the efforts of the former metropolis for its colony before the emperor to grant it freedom from the power of the Bosporan kings. These actions led to the creation of a special Chersonese honorary decree in honor of the "Heracleot fathers" and, possibly, the revival of the law of isopolitics between the two poleis38 . Contacts with other cities of the Black Sea region - Istria, Odessos, Mesembria, Kallatis, Tomi, Olbia-were also strengthened, which can be clearly traced from the inscriptions of the Roman period. Interestingly, in Apollonia Pontica in the Roman era, not a single native of Heraclea is attested. And only the published tombstone speaks of connections between the two cities in the classical period, at least in the late fifth and first half of the fourth century BC. At the same time, in other Western Pontic cities, not a single tombstone or decree has been found that would indicate relations with Pontic Heraclea in the classical and Hellenistic periods. This circumstance should reflect the main trends of the Heraclea trade activity in the late fifth and first half of the fourth century BC, in the Hellenistic and Roman times.

In the late fifth and first half of the fourth century BC, Heraclea imports were mainly directed to the Black Sea countries, with the aim of exporting agricultural products from there to Athens and other leading centers of the Eastern Mediterranean. At the same time, Heracleian merchants tried to use mainly the Bosporus markets, to a lesser extent Olbia, although it was there that one of the oldest proxenias given to the citizens of Heraclea was found (see above). After the defeat of the Bosporan tyrants Satyr I and Leucon I in the War for Theodosia and influence in other Bosporan cities in

Rostowtzeff M.l. The Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World. V. 3. Oxf., 1941. P. 1455. Not. 354: 101 и 81 имя соответственно; Pope Н. Foreigners in Attic Inscriptions. Philadelphia, 1947. P. 53-57: 24 and 17, respectively (only natives of Pontic Heraclea); Osborne, Byrne. The Foreign Residents... P. 72-98. N 1679-2296; ср. Saprykin. Op. cit. P. 290.

³⁵ Robert J. etL. Bull. epigr. 1963. N 35; 1965. N 61; 1968. N 601; Delos. 1974. XXX. P. 155, 156; Saprykin. Op. cit. P. 291.

³⁶ Saprykin. Heraclea of Pontus ... p. 229 sl.; Saprykin. Op. cit. P. 292 ff.; Bittner A. The choice between Scylla and Charybdis: Heraclea of Pontus in the struggle of Rome with Mithridates VI. Problems of history and culture. St. Petersburg, 1998. p. 237 pp.

³⁷ Robert. Etudes anatoliennes. P. 245-251; Mitchell S. Anatolia. V. I. Oxf., 1993. P. 116; Saprykin S. Yu. Chersonesus proxenia sinopeytsu / / VDI. 1998. N 4. pp. 63-65.

³⁸ Tyumenev A. I. Chersonesus etudes. V. Chersonesus proxenii / / VDI. 1950. N 4. p. 17 sl.; Saprykin. Chersonesus proxenia ... p. 63 sl.

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At the beginning of the fourth century BC, the eyes of the Heracleots turned to the Tauric Chersonesus and the steppe zone of the Northwestern Crimea, ³⁹ where they were primarily interested in wheat exports, as in other regions of the Black Sea region. Heraclea merchants and other emporians who traded through Heraclea received bread in exchange for products in amphora containers, most often produced in Heraclea itself, as well as in other centers. This is confirmed by the discovery of brands on Heraclea amphorae. In the Western Black Sea region, the largest number of amphora stamps of Heraclea falls on Kallatis, the Heraclea colony in Dobrudja, and its environs: 32.97 % of the stamps are from 400-370 BC, 39.56 % from 370-290 BC; in Istria, this proportion is 40 % and 28 %, in Volumes-40 and 40 %, to north of the Danube estuary - 47 and 18 %. As we can see, the bulk of Heraclea imports to Dobrudja and Lesser Scythia came in the first half of the IV century bc40 On the Thracian coast south of Heme, the main flow of Heraclea products came to Bison - 100 % of the brands of chronological group B II. Vasilenko - 390-325 BC, Debelt (Deultum) - 100 % of the brands - 390-325 BC, Apollonia of Pontus - 83.33 % of the brands of 370-290 BC. For comparison: in Odessos, the Heraclea import in 370-290 BC is 42.42 %, in Mesambria in 290-240 BC - 33 % ⁴¹ . These figures show that at the beginning of the fourth century BC, Heraclea traders were more interested in the coast and interior of the Danube region, as well as, what is especially significant for us, Apollonia Pontic and its immediate surroundings. This is primarily the city itself and the Thracian sanctuary in Debelt, where over 1,000 englyphic brands of Heraclea were discovered ^.42 The Thracian population flocked here from many neighboring regions, and this allowed merchants to conduct intermediary trade. Consequently, Theon, the son of Aristander, could have come to Apollonia to mediate the trade of Heracleian goods both with the inhabitants of Apollonia Pontica itself and with the Thracian tribes living in its vicinity. In any case, the dating of his tombstone to the beginning of the IV century BC and the flourishing of Heraclea trade with Apollonia and Debelt in the first half of this century speak in favor of this version.

The presence of Heraclea merchants in the places where they carried out their commercial operations is confirmed by Xenophon, describing the coast to the east of Pontic Heraclea. According to him, at the turn of the fifth and fourth centuries BC, Heraclea merchants lived in Sinope and its emporia on the southern coast of the Black Sea, conducting active trade with the local and Hellenic populations and competing with the Sinopian emporians (Xen. Anab. V. 6., 10, 19). Similarly, Heraclea traders, presumably, operated in other places of the Black Sea region, including on the coast of Thrace. Theon, the son of Aristander, a native of Dorian Heraclea, settled here to conduct commercial affairs, who died some time later in Apollonia and found his last refuge in its necropolis.

The migration of citizens from Pontic Heraclea to other poleis in the late fifth and first half of the fourth centuries BC was dictated by internal socio-economic reasons for the development of this Megaro-Boeotian Apoicia. After the foundation of Kallatis at the end of the sixth century BC, and especially after the removal of the colony to the Tauric Chersonesus, a moderate oligarchy came to power in Heraclea, whose economic and political positions were determined by the alliance of the Dorian ancestral military - landowning nobility with the Russian empire.

³⁹ Saprykin. Pontic Heraclea... p. 92 sl.; Saprykin. Op. cit. p. 117-120.

⁴⁰ Canarache V. Importui amforelor stampilate la Istria. Bucuresti, 1957. P. 193-203; Lazarev M. Distribution on the Heraclea Amfori and seals in Trakia // Izvestiya na Narodnia muzei Varna. 1980. 16(31). С. 9-11; Lungu V. Circulatia amforelor stampilate in zona Capul Dolojman // Pontica. 1992. 25. P. 77, 93; Buzoianu L. Importurile amforice la Tomis in perioada elenistica // Pontica. 1992. 25. P. 105.

⁴¹ Lazarov М. Amphores et timbres amphoriques d'Heraclee Pontique trouves a Apollonie // Studia in honorem Veselini Besevliev. Sofia, 1978. P. 299-309; Lazarev. Uk. op. p. 9-12; Saprykin. Op. cit. p. 113.

⁴² Lazarov. Op. cit. P. 299-309; Balabanov P. Analysis and dating of amphora seals of Heraclea Pontica / / Thracia Pontica II. Sozopol-Jambol, 1985. p. 13; same name. Thracian sanctuary near Debelt / / Thracia Pontica III. Sofia, 1986. P. 232.

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the top of the trade and craft layers, who profited from trade. As a result of this alliance, political positions in the polis and all civil rights were divided between representatives of the landowning nobility and the trade and craft elite, who formed the so-called "new Heracleian aristocracy". Ordinary merchants and artisans, who came from the middle classes, were deprived of basic rights and privileges, so a certain part of the population of Heraclea was forced to leave it and move to other places, mainly where the trade and craft circles already had their commercial interests. This allowed the top of the polis to control the main flow of goods to these regions and use the emigrant Heracleots who settled there, and the latter opened up the opportunity to enrich themselves, which they were deprived of in their native city due to the dominance of the trade and land-owning oligarchy. One of these representatives of the middle strata of Heraclea, who moved abroad for commercial purposes, was probably Theon, the son of Aristander, who had commercial interests in Apollonia Pontica. It is possible that it was used to supply wine in amphorae to the territory of the Odris Kingdom, the immediate neighbor of Apollonia.

In the late fifth and first half of the fourth centuries BC, a fierce political struggle for power between democratic and oligarchic groups took place in Heraclea, culminating in the establishment of a tyrannical regime in 364 BC .During this period, the flow of emigrants from Heraclea increased, moving to other poleis, primarily for political reasons. ⁴³ Part of the emigrants settled in Athens, the other-in Chersonesos, Kallatis and other cities of the Black Sea region. It is therefore impossible to exclude the possibility that Theon might have come to Apollonia Pontica as a result of the political exile of himself or his parents - opponents of either an oligarchic or democratic form of government, and perhaps even a tyrannical regime. In any case, the dating of the tombstone and the supposed grave of Theon does not contradict any of these conclusions.

Thus, the tombstone of Heracleotus found in the necropolis of Apollonia is an important new evidence of the extensive connections of Pontic Heraclea with the Western Black Sea coast and Thrace.

AHERACLEOTS GRAVESTONE FROM APOLLONIA PONTICA S.Yu. Saprykin, K. Panayotova

The article is a publication of a limestone gravestone found at the necropolis' excavation in Apollonia Pontica (now Sozopol, Bulgaria). The gravestone belonged to a Heracleot named Theon, son of Aristandros, and is dated back to the late 5th - early 4th с. ВС. The authors come to the conclusion that the Heracleot named Theon could end up in Apollonia Pontica as a result of the development of trade relations between Heraclea Pontica and the Thracian coast in the 1st half of the 4th с. ВС. As it seems, he belonged to a group of Heraclean merchants who were forced to leave their native city by some inner social and economic conflicts, caused by the fact that political leadership in the city had been seized by a clique of Dorian military and landowner nobility and the upper trade circles. Analyzing the Heracleot's name and patronymic, the authors conclude that his ancestors could have moved to Heraclea Pontica from Boeotia together with Megarian colonists, because in Hellas similar names are found in Thebes and Orchomenos.

⁴³ These issues are covered in detail in the works of: Saprykin. Gerakleya Pontiiskaya... P. 44 sl.; Frolov E. D. Rozhdenie grecheskogo polisa. L., 1988. p. 216 sl.; Bittner A. Tyrannenmord in Herakleia am Ponto. s / / Das Altertum. 1991. 37. 2. S. 91-93; Saprykin. Op. cit. P. 42-50; idem. Heraclee du Pont et Chersonesos Taurique: institutions publiques et rapports fanciers // DHA. 1991. 17. 1. P. 106-108.

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