For several decades, China has been saying through its official representatives that developing friendly and cooperative relations with developing countries, including those in Africa, is an important component of the country's independent and peaceful foreign policy. Beijing notes the common desire of China, the "largest developing country", and Africa, the "continent with the most compact distribution of developing countries", to develop mutual relations in the twenty-first century in order to jointly contribute to the formation of a new international political and economic order. The study of relations between China and African countries is extremely important because it provides an example of how developing countries respond to the challenges of globalization. Moreover, it is possible to analyze the response to globalization trends of both the more developed countries of the "third world" - say, China and South Africa, and the least economically successful states - the countries of Black Africa.

In expanding its relations with the countries of the African continent, the People's Republic of China strives to maximize the mobilization of favorable factors for this process. The latter include the coincidence of the interests of China and African countries in the international arena on many issues. An important role in exploiting this circumstance was played by China's successful promotion of the thesis that it belongs to the" third world "and the"family of developing countries". In particular, when summing up the results of China's foreign policy work in the 1990s, the Chinese press emphasized that as the "largest developing country", China firmly opposed all forms of hegemonism and power politics, defended the just rights and interests of developing countries, and promoted progress in establishing a just and reasonable new international political and economic order 1 .

The economic background of the PRC's self-identification as a developing country is obvious: China can be classified as a developing country based on a number of indicators of its economic condition. Thus, China's GDP per capita has not yet reached the level of developed countries, and the Chinese economy still plays a supporting role relative to the centers of the world economy. The country is an interested consumer of the products and production experience of developed countries, and social reproduction at the required level in China is impossible without external funding. Modern production in China still depends on the achievements of the world's "technocentres". The Chinese economy is also "related" to the national farms of developing countries by the presence of traditional economic structures, especially in agriculture, along with modern ones. Both in China and in developing countries, the level of domestic capital accumulation is significant.-

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It is significantly inferior to the same indicator of developed countries, which determines the dependence of the "third world" economies on external financing. The level of energy consumption in China per capita-as an indicator of the country's industrial development-is also slightly higher than in most developing countries, especially in Africa.

It is not without reason that China considers itself to be a developing world, despite the fact that its chosen model of socio-economic development provides high economic indicators in absolute terms. This self-identification is not only explained by China's desire to take advantage of possible eases in economic relations with the countries of the "North", in particular through the WTO, but also reflects the actual state of affairs. Hence, the economic background of China's involvement in solving the problems of the "third world"becomes clear. This confirms the Chinese thesis that the PRC and other developing countries face common tasks - the intensification of economic development and, on this basis, worthy participation in globalization processes. From the statements of Chinese leaders and political scientists, it follows that the solution to the problem of the "third world" is possible only by establishing a new international economic order (IEPC), eliminating the financial debt of developing countries to "northern" creditors, as well as reducing the gap in the development levels of the "North" and "South"countries. With regard to the latter task, the Chinese side has recently suggested that liberalizing international trade rules and eliminating inequalities in trade and economic ties are effective means of bridging the gap in the development of "rich and poor countries" and moving towards "shared prosperity".

China's inclusion in the " third world "is also explained by the need for it to respect certain political interests: China thus retains itself as part of a certain"united front". It can be said that so far it is a "united front in the struggle against world dictatorship and hegemonism." In the context of globalization, which, in the opinion of African countries and China, can pose a threat to the sovereignty of the "third world" countries, maintaining such a "united front" seems very reasonable to the interested countries. In addition, the unification of various countries and regions against the dictates of one power, according to Beijing, is necessary for the formation of a multipolar world order.

In recent years, the PRC has taken vigorous steps to deepen cooperation with the " third world "at the level of international" specialized " organizations. In April 2000, the Group of 77, which currently unites 133 developing countries, as well as China, met in Havana. During the meeting, issues related to the globalization of the world economy, North-South relations, South-South cooperation, and access to modern scientific and technological developments were discussed. As a result of the meeting, a package of more than a hundred documents providing for the development of South-South cooperation was adopted. The overall objective of the measures outlined in the documents is to find ways to create a world economic order that would meet the interests of the "southern" countries.

China's policy is consistent with the G-15 position on the" transparency and fairness " of the multilateral trade regime. The Group of 15 calls for

* The Group of 15 was established in 1989 at the Belgrade Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement as an integral part of the Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 to promote dialogue between industrialized and developing countries. Troupe 15 now unites 19 countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America, where one third of the world's population lives.

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The WTO, IBRD and IMF will join forces to review the norms of the global financial and economic system in order to ensure equal access of third-world exports to world markets. The participating countries call on developed countries to limit the practice of protectionism and maintain the benefits granted to the countries of the "South" in Western markets .2

The main political and economic problem of African countries is the problem of external debt. The total debt of African countries exceeds $ 350 billion, which is between 50 and 65% of their GDP. More than 40% of the continent's annual budget is spent on debt servicing. In this regard, in June 2000, the Group of 15 asked the developed countries to write off part of the debt and allocate 0.7% of the North's GDP annually to help the development of the poorest countries, as well as 0.15 - 0.2% to invest in the economies of the latter 3 .

It should be noted that some positive changes in relations between the "third world" and its donors have been taking place recently. The IMF and the World Bank have written off part of their debts to those African states that are " successfully implementing economic reforms." At the beginning of 2001, the European Union opened its market to almost all products from the least developed countries (i.e., almost all countries in Africa), with the exception of weapons (which are already a very small item of African exports) .4 In addition, at the beginning of 2002, The EU decided to provide assistance to the "third world" in the amount of 543 million euros, of which 170 million are intended for Africa. And Japan decided to allocate $ 18 billion. to bridge the gap between countries that have new technologies and those that do not .5 At the end of 2000, the United States also opened up its market to African products, and the United Kingdom intends to create trust funds for the primary education of children in poor countries of the British Commonwealth, to promote health care and drug development to combat epidemics in developing countries .6

The PRC is undoubtedly interested in optimizing its foreign economic activities, in particular by improving the terms of servicing its external debt (which has already reached $ 140 billion), 7 as well as facilitating foreign trade activities and facilitating access to new technologies.

There is an objective coincidence of the international political and economic interests of this group of States. African leaders, in their contacts with China, have consistently reaffirmed their commitment to reforming the global economic order through South-South cooperation and sharing the benefits of economic globalization on an equal basis. China and African countries are united in treating globalization as an objective development trend that does not pass any country by. In their view, developing States should take measures to respond to it, strengthen cooperation and promote the creation of a fair and rational IEP, so that economic globalization becomes a process of shared development.

Most African countries share China's position on the need to reform the UN to enhance its role in international affairs. In the" Algiers Declaration " of the 35th OAU Summit in 1999, the participants expressed "deep concern" about the recent" permanent marginalization " of the UN and its declining role in peacekeeping, implicitly condemning the United States and NATO countries for aggression against Yugoslavia. The document criticized the " unilateral use of force in international relations." The Declaration called for the democratization of the UN and other international organizations, in particular by granting Africa one seat on the UN Security Council .8 It should be noted here that Beijing shares the idea of such a reform of the Council, considering that-

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We believe that the transformation of the UN Security Council should reflect the growing role of the liberated countries of Asia and Africa. In 1999, almost all African countries expressed condemnation or regret over the bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade by NATO forces. The leaders of Namibia, Tanzania, Zambia, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Kenya expressed particular determination in this regard9 .

China has recently increased its material and financial assistance to African regional organizations, such as the OAU, according to Beijing .10 In particular, the Chinese Government donated to the OAU a shipment of materials and equipment intended for the implementation of a peacekeeping mission in Africa. China fully shares the position of the OAU on the need for a peaceful settlement of conflicts on the African continent. Chinese Foreign Minister Tang Jiaxuan, during a 2001 trip to Turkey, Libya, Central African Republic, Cameroon, Angola and Gabon, stated that China supports conflict resolution in Africa based on the following principles: respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of African countries and non-interference in their internal affairs; conflict resolution through dialogue and consultation in the name of protecting the unity of Africa; the international community should support the respective efforts of the African countries and peoples themselves, while at the same time providing them with the necessary assistance .11 China, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, supports taking real steps to help resolve, for example, the Congolese problem. At the same time, the PRC does not accept the practice of Western countries to link international economic relations with the "erroneous theory of the supremacy of human rights over national sovereignty", since such a link "contradicts the norms of international relations" (apparently, this refers to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of the state).

Although, according to the Algiers Declaration, the OAU member States are committed to protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms, many of them express their support for the Chinese position on human rights. Basically, these are those states that, due to internal instability, themselves face complaints about the same issue. According to the Chinese press, thanks to the support of African countries (mainly Angola, Ghana, Guinea, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Mauritania and Niger), China has succeeded nine times in thwarting the "anti-Chinese plans" (meaning draft resolutions) of Western countries in the UN Human Rights Commission12 .

In exchange for Chinese support at the sessions of the General Assembly, the UN Security Council, other international organizations, as well as in the economic sphere, most of the continent's states take a position on the Taiwan issue that the PRC needs. All those African countries with which the PRC has diplomatic relations adhere to the "one China" principle, that is, they consider Taiwan as an integral part of the PRC and do not recognize the island's status as an independent sovereign state. The main condition for establishing or restoring official relations of the PRC is the refusal of diplomatic recognition of Taiwan. The issue of Tibet is somewhat more complicated*, as China currently prefers not to make it a "stumbling block" in its relations with other countries. This is probably due to a number of political and legal circumstances, as well as the particularly sensitive nature of the issue, which affects the religious and national feelings of several countries, and not just one, as is the case with Taiwan.

* Of the major African countries, Tanzania is perhaps the only one that has explicitly expressed its support for the PRC on this issue.

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The Taiwan issue generally occupies a special place in China's relations with African countries. For Beijing, one of the most pressing foreign policy tasks is, if not the complete reunification of Taiwan with its homeland, then at least narrowing the scope of international recognition of the island. The fact of diplomatic recognition of Taiwan by eight African countries (Burkina Faso, Chad, Gambia, Liberia, Malawi, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal and Swaziland) remains extremely painful for mainland China. One of the goals of Chinese leaders ' visits, including almost annual trips to Africa by Chinese Foreign Minister Tang Chia-hsuan, is to find "ways to work" with these countries in order to " encourage them to break off diplomatic relations with Taiwan and establish official ties with Beijing." Beijing's statements about the political non-conditionality of its aid to the developing world are highly controversial, in light of the fact that it has excluded states that maintain diplomatic relations with Taiwan from the list of countries from which China's debts can be written off. Although the PRC has previously provided interest-free loans to such countries, now, they say, these countries "do not have a political base on which they could consult with China on debt cancellation" 13 .

After the events of September 11, 2001 Beijing, of course, has become more active in promoting its views on the fight against terrorism. In Pretoria, during talks in early 2002 between Chinese Foreign Minister Tang Jia-xuan and his South African counterpart N. Dlamini-Zuma, the two sides agreed that the international fight against terrorism should be conducted under the flag of the United Nations, and not of a single country. According to Tang Jiaxuan, China does not agree with the practice when the fight against terrorism is directed against a particular region, country, religion or ethnic group. It is also unacceptable to expand the field of anti-terrorist struggle in favor of the" strategic interests " of certain forces .14 This position of China and South Africa is shared by almost all the countries-members of the OAU.

Chinese President Jiang Zemin's visit to Libya in April 2002, where the Chinese leader visited the residence of a "close friend" of Muammar Gaddafi, which was bombed by the United States, and expressed solidarity with the country on behalf of the People's Republic of China, shows China's rejection of the assignment of the role of a sole anti-terrorist force by the United States. As you know, under the pretext of possible involvement of the Libyan leader in supporting terrorist groups, the United States maintains unilateral sanctions against Libya. Jiang Zemin's visit also led to equally important practical results for China: China and Libya have signed a number of agreements in the oil sector and in the field of railway construction 15 .

The main event of Sino-African relations at the beginning of the XXI century, as well as a new evidence of the "broad diplomatic offensive of China" in the African direction, was the holding of a Forum on Sino-African cooperation at the level of Foreign Ministers in Beijing in October 2000. The Beijing 2000 Forum was the first example of a collective dialogue between China and Africa. It was attended by foreign ministers of more than 44 African countries, as well as heads of a number of international and regional organizations. The summit was intended to mark the beginning of a new type of China-Africa cooperation - long-term, stable, and based on equality and mutual benefit.

According to Chinese President Jiang Zemin, who called the Forum "a great undertaking" in the history of China-Africa relations, the fact that it was convened was due to the need for China and Africa to discuss issues of joint development in the face of new historical opportunities and challenges of the 21st century. On the Jiang Ze Forum-

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Min presented China's vision of the modern world, which is characterized by "the development of multipolarity", "the globalization of the world economy" with broad cooperation and at the same time the deepening of the economic gap between countries, "the preservation of hegemony", as well as constant local conflicts and wars, which harm the development of a large number of "third world"countries. The main reason for this situation, according to the head of the People's Republic of China, is again the irrationality and injustice of the existing international political and economic order. It is precisely to give impetus to the formation of a new international order that the Forum was designed to establish a "new type"of partnership between China and African countries.

The Forum resulted in the adoption of two documents - the Declaration of China-Africa Cooperation and the Program of China-Africa Cooperation in the Field of Socio-Economic development.

The China-Africa Cooperation Declaration is the latest joint manifestation of China's and Africa's views on globalization and other trends shaping the face of the modern era. It notes that on the threshold of a new century, serious destabilizing factors still exist on the planet, a huge gap remains between the poor South and the rich North, and the problems of peace and development are not removed. Only the formation of a new just and rational international political and economic order will ensure the democratization of international relations and the effective participation of developing countries in solving international problems. At present, globalization, by increasing the interdependence of the world's economies, benefits mainly developed countries, while at the same time putting at a disadvantage primarily small and weak African countries and economically least developed countries, whose economic security and sovereignty are seriously threatened.

The document identifies the causes of political instability, social tension and conflicts in Africa as socio-economic problems - diseases and increasing poverty. The development efforts of African States are further constrained by the heavy debt burden. The Declaration calls on the international community to assist African States in solving the debt problem. It also notes the huge potential of China-Africa cooperation in trade, economy and other areas, which is the foundation of South-South cooperation that meets the long-term interests of China and African countries.

The Declaration emphasizes the need to respect the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, the Charter of the OAU, the Five Principles of peaceful coexistence and other norms of international law. The idea of equal participation of all countries in solving international problems is being developed. Any States or blocs of States have no right to impose their will on other countries, interfere in their internal affairs, or apply unilateral economic sanctions against them under any pretext. The South and the North should enhance equal dialogue and cooperation.

The document confirms the principle of peaceful settlement of international conflicts. All nuclear-weapon States should commit themselves not to be the first to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon States and not to use them against nuclear-weapon-free States or zones.

The Declaration calls for recognition of the legitimate place of African States in the UN Security Council.

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The Declaration also calls for respect for the universal principle of human rights, as well as for combating attempts to politicize the issue of human rights by using it as a condition for providing economic assistance.

The document declares the readiness of China and African countries to fully expand cooperation in the fields of economy, trade, finance and other areas for their joint development. 16

However, despite significant progress in its development, Sino-African political relations are not free from problems either. According to Kofi Annan, African leaders and peoples are beginning to "speak out in favor of democracy." The New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD) program, proposed by the Presidents of the largest African countries-South Africa (T. Mbeki is the head of NEPAD), Nigeria, Senegal, Algeria and Egypt-is precisely the goal of developing "democracy and good governance" as "fundamental components" of economic progress on the continent .17 Despite the principle of its implementation - "self-reliance" - which is close to the Chinese, China has never declared its support for this program. Although Senegal, which has not established official relations with China, is a party to it, this is probably not the case. Beijing, with its characteristic bias against Westernized democracy, believes that it was the wave of "democratization" after the Cold War that worsened the political situation in many African countries, causing frequent wars and conflicts, deepening economic difficulties and poverty .18

Thus, China places the responsibility for the plight of African countries no longer on the features of the colonial past, as it was in the 1960s and 1970s, but on the latest social processes, which, however, are also taking place under Western influence. The Chinese leadership is alien to such democratization due to the current features of socio-political life in China. Apparently, now the PRC itself is concerned about the vector of possible political and economic orientation of African countries. Having achieved leadership in the "third world", she does not want to lose it. In addition, Beijing is aware that "dollar diplomacy" can be an effective tool not only in the hands of Taiwanese leaders. The economic backwardness of developing countries makes them very sensitive to offers of economic donation, susceptible to the political influence of international "benefactors".

Since the early 1980s, Beijing has assumed that it must pay to maintain political influence. The only question is how much exactly. I must say that the interest of African countries in China was spurred not only by the impressive success of this country on the path of economic modernization, but also by the fact that in the 1990s both investment and official Western assistance to the countries of the continent declined. If in 1989, according to the African Development Bank, Africa received $ 24.2 billion, it is not enough. foreign direct investment (FDI), then only $ 14.2 billion at the end of the decade. 19 Modern Western economic assistance to the" third world " has taken somewhat different forms than in previous decades. Developed countries are purposefully curtailing the provision of "live money", switching to fund-saving types of economic assistance: opening their markets, targeted financing of reforms, not facilities, etc. This is explained by the fact that although developed countries have pumped a trillion dollars into the developing world since the 1960s, however, according to the World Bank expert, U. S. Abramovich has already been involved in the development of the world economy. Easterly, this did not lead to positive economic changes. A significant part of the money was deposited by the corrupt elite, and the part that was still used for its intended purpose did not return due to the incompetence of local managerial and labor personnel and the inefficiency of social institutions .20 Indicator of the ratio of foreign currency received

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Africa's GDP ratio exceeds that of Latin American and North Asian countries by a factor of 10, but the continent remains the least developed region of the world21 .

The results of the UN International Conference on Financing for Development (March 2002) held in Monterrey, Mexico, provided further evidence of Western countries ' reconsideration of their assistance to African states. Despite the fact that the UN Secretary-General called on rich nations to double their annual aid to poor countries, observers believe that there is little chance of a response to this call 22 . The only concrete outcome of the Conference was the creation of a new body, Business for Africa, whose mission is to cooperate with NEPAD. The seven organizations (in particular, the International Chamber of Commerce, the African Business Round Table, the Business Humanities Forum, the British Commonwealth Business Council, etc.) that joined the newly created body set themselves the task of developing the private sector across the continent, as well as encouraging African Governments to pursue a policy of increasing domestic and foreign investment. The new body sees the main way to achieve these goals is to encourage entrepreneurship by creating a data bank on investment opportunities in Africa (?!). Raising awareness is certainly important, but it is clearly not sufficient to achieve tangible economic results. Therefore, with limited Western foreign investment, South-South cooperation (as a means of stimulating the North-South dialogue) is indeed a more effective means of mutual development.

In order to successfully solve their problems, the third world countries should rely on their own, rather than a copied model of socio - economic development that takes into account their civilizational and national specifics, and instead of requesting a livelihood from the West, they should learn to produce them themselves. It seems that the developing world is gradually moving towards awareness of this fact. Thus, in late 2001, the World Bank's Vice President for Africa, K. Madavo, noted a "profound shift" in the positions of African leaders, who stopped blaming the outside world for the continent's problems .23 However, as Western economic assistance increases, developing countries ' interest in cooperation with China is likely to decline. Beijing undoubtedly takes this into account and seeks to maximize the area of its partnership with the "third world", primarily in the economic field. By the way, the main difficulties in the development of Sino - African relations also lie in the economic sphere.

The program of China-Africa cooperation in the field of socio - economic development adopted at the Beijing 2000 Forum lays down the principles of mutual cooperation between the parties in the future: equality and mutual benefits; diversity of forms and content of cooperation; emphasis on practical results; striving for joint progress; peaceful settlement of differences. The program also lists the areas of cooperation agreed by the ministers in specific areas - trade, investment, cooperation in the construction of infrastructure facilities, financial cooperation, debt relief and cancellation, tourism and migration, agricultural cooperation, exploration and use of natural resources, etc. 24

During the Forum 2000, Beijing announced new measures aimed at expanding trade and economic ties with African States. So, the Chinese government decided to establish a special fund to support investments of Chinese enterprises in the countries of the continent. In addition, the Chinese government will provide afri "as far as possible and as much as possible".-

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Kama countries receive economic and technical assistance, including discount and interest-free loans. China will partially or completely free a number of African least developed countries from debt. China will establish a special fund to promote bilateral exchanges of specialists. It should be noted that Beijing has already started implementing these measures.

If we try to describe the current state of China-Africa trade relations, it should be noted that in general, in 2000, the volume of trade turnover between China and Africa reached approximately $ 10.6 billion, exceeding the figure for the previous year by 63.3%. Of these, Chinese exports are $ 5.043 billion (an increase of 22.5%), and imports are $ 5.555 billion (an increase of 133.9%)*. As of the end of 2000, 19 African countries had a trade turnover with China exceeding $ 100 million per year. In total, the PRC maintains trade relations with 53 African states and 25 regions .

It is noteworthy that in 2000, China's trade balance with Africa was reduced for the first time with such a significant negative balance - $ 512 million. The main item of Chinese imports, of course, is crude oil, which was imported by the PRC in 2000 over 17 million tons worth $ 3.615 billion. 26 Other major items of African exports to China are timber and mineral raw materials (ores of various mainly strategic metals, bauxite, gold, and diamonds). From the most developed countries of the continent (South Africa, Zimbabwe, Tunisia), China imports household appliances, steel products, appliances, chemical fertilizers, and other products of the chemical industry.

Increasing imports from African countries is a conscious course of China, which is recognized as appropriate both in terms of expanding political understanding between the PRC and the continent's states, and in terms of China's extraction of certain economic benefits. With the development of the economy, China's demand for imports of oil, strategic minerals and cheaper manufacturing products than in Western countries is growing. However , since Africa still accounts for just over 1% of China's total trade turnover, 27 China is able to cover its trade deficit with Africa through its trade surplus with other countries (for example, the United Kingdom, Japan, Brazil, and India) .28

China's largest economic partner in Africa is the Republic of South Africa. In 1999, the trade turnover between them was $ 1.66 billion, 29 and in 2000 it exceeded $ 2 billion. 30 (Chinese exports - $ 1.01 billion, imports - $ 1.04 billion 31). In the first 10 months of 2001, it reached $ 1.856 billion. 32

However, there are still some difficulties in trade relations between China and South Africa. For example, South Africa and some other countries consider Chinese import duties on a number of agricultural products too high. Here, apparently, a certain inconsistency of China's foreign economic practice manifests itself. Although the PRC is trying to shape its image as one of the few countries that are taking real measures to improve the terms of trade for other countries (actively exaggerating the fact that its trade tariffs were reduced to an average of 15% in the late 1990s in the name of a " fair and reasonable transnational tor regime-

* It should be noted that even official Chinese statistics may show discrepancies. Thus, according to the Shijie Zhishi Nianjian directory, in 1998 the turnover of Sino-African trade was $ 3.96 billion, and according to the Chinese customs, it exceeded $ 5 billion in the same year. This discrepancy can be explained, in particular, by the fact that when summing up the results, for example, for import items, Chinese customs statistics take into account not only the cost of goods received directly from the country of origin, but also adds to it the cost of re-export "surcharges" of intermediary countries. (The imperfection of the Chinese customs ' statistical methodology has been a source of criticism since the 1970s.)

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However, in the case of some developing countries, this is clearly insufficient. South Africa is a prime example of this.

In 2001, Nigeria took the second place among the most important trading partners of the PRC in Africa (trade volume reached $ 1.14 billion) .34 This is due to China's desire to diversify external sources of oil supply.

As for investment in the African economy, in accordance with the decisions of the Beijing 2000 Forum, Chinese companies, according to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the People's Republic of China, in 2000 formed 57 new enterprises in Africa with a total amount of contractual capital investments of $ 251 million, of which $ 216 million was purely Chinese investment (by $ 119 million). dol. In total, by the end of 2000, Chinese companies had formed 499 joint ventures on the continent with a total contractual capital investment of $ 990 million, of which $ 680 million was the Chinese share. As of the end of 2001, Chinese enterprises invested more than $ 150 million in South Africa alone. As of early 2002, China had invested in 95 facilities in South Africa. The volume of South African investment in the Chinese economy was $ 130 million at the end of 2001. 35 (It should be noted that the establishment of joint ventures as a new long-term form of technical and economic cooperation between China and Africa has been actively developing since the 1980s. Moreover, China seeks to create joint ventures in those industries in which it most needs products or which are most profitable by African standards.)

The largest destination for Chinese investment is Zambia. According to the Chinese Ambassador to Zambia, the total investment of Chinese enterprises in the Zambian economy has reached $ 200 million since the signing of the bilateral trade agreement in 1998. The Zambian leadership is interested in further growth of Chinese investment in the SADC and COMESA member States (Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa) .36

In 1999, Chinese enterprises became the most active investors in Kenya. In terms of the number of applications submitted, China was ahead of the United States, Italy, India, and Switzerland. China, in an effort to gain an economic foothold in the country, announced its investments in projects in the pharmaceutical, textile, leather, and agro-industrial sectors.

The relatively small amount of Chinese investment in the African economy (in 1999 - less than 1% of all investment in the continent for year 37 ), of course, is a cause for reflection, but the main factor here is still the presence of a steady trend towards an increase in Chinese investment in the continent, which cannot yet be said about investments from other countries. sources.

Практическое сотрудничество с африканскими странами по линии "Юг-Юг" осуществляется Китаем и в форме предоставления технико-экономической помощи. Африканская сторона положительно восприняла пересмотр Китаем форм и методов содействия другим государствам, переход от политики одностороннего предоставления адресных займов и безвозмездных ссуд к линии "совместного созидания и совместного процветания", способствующей формированию новых принципов экономического взаимодействия. По состоянию на конец 1990-х годов, при содействии китайских специалистов на континенте было построено более 600 объектов. Лишь за один 1997 г. Китай подписал с 41 страной Африки соглашения об оказании технико-экономической помощи. В 2000 г. Китай оказал технико-экономическое содействие более чем 30 африканским странам, взяв на себя обязательства по самостоятельному осуществлению 20 новых технических проектов и 20 совместных проектов в более чем 20 странах континента. В 2000 г. была начата реализация 12 новых проектов, завершены - 11 проектов. 32 самостоятельных и 38 совместных технических проектов находились в стадии реализации. Тогда же Китай произвел поставку 30 партий "неотложно требуемых" материалов в 20 государств Африки 38 . В течение последних лет

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As the forms of economic assistance have changed, China has provided concessional loans to 23 African countries for 33 projects.

China's technical and economic assistance is making a significant contribution to the development of industry in several African countries. So, in the Republic of Congo, with the participation of the PRC, a textile factory, a shipyard, a hydroelectric power station, a power line, and a water supply system were built. In Tanzania, a mine built with the help of China has provided a 5 - fold increase in coal production in the country. A cigarette factory, a match factory, a textile factory, a tea factory, a tannery, a pharmaceutical laboratory, an agricultural equipment factory, and a phosphate fertilizer plant have been built in Mali with Chinese assistance. The Togo sugar factory, also built with China's help, accounts for about 70% of the country's total sugar production, which contributes to a reduction in imports of this product .39 One new example is the contract of the Chinese General Company for the Construction of Roads and Bridges for the reconstruction of Ethiopian roads and the construction of ten new ones. Work began in 1998 and is estimated to cost $ 78 million.

Cooperation is also developing at the regional level. So, the authorities of Guangdong province (Southern China) decided to build 15 industrial facilities in Africa, including a clothing factory in Egypt, a distillery in Benin, a motorcycle factory in Angola, etc. They have developed a number of measures to encourage local businesses to invest in Africa. These include providing loans on preferential terms, preserving the profit earned by enterprises, and simplifying customs formalities for them.

Since the late 1990s, the PRC has been promoting the creation of new economic sectors in some African countries (a biogas plant in Ghana, assistance in the development of Tanzanian meteorology). Another area of assistance is the reconstruction of enterprises previously built with the assistance of China. Thus, Botswana was granted a loan to repair the railway, and Mali-for the modernization of facilities built with the help of the PRC 40 .

As you know, African countries are the main area of food shortage. Two-thirds of the hungry people in Africa are concentrated in six countries - Ethiopia, Nigeria, DRC, Kenya, Uganda and Mozambique. The continent's most pressing problem is increasing agricultural productivity: a farmer in Africa grows 600 kg of grain per year, which is 1,300 times less than in North America .41 In this regard, the Chinese program for the development of the agricultural sector has been developed and is already being implemented for the continent, which provides for the creation of farms for breeding high-yielding varieties of plants, cotton plantations, agricultural farms of various directions, the construction of land reclamation and irrigation systems, the supply of fertilizers and insecticides. Attention is paid to the development of dry areas, in particular in Nigeria and Ethiopia. China has accumulated valuable experience for Africa in efficiently producing grain and other food products in the face of arable land scarcity and soil erosion. In the late 1990s, China ranked first in the world in terms of grain production in absolute terms.

China continues to use this form of technical and economic assistance, such as the construction of cultural facilities and business infrastructure. The latest example is the conclusion of a Chinese-Kenyan government agreement to build a $ 2.6 million business center in Nairobi. 42 An example of Chinese high-tech assistance is the construction of a desalination plant near the Moroccan city of Tantan, based on a Chinese nuclear reactor. If the project is successful, the parties intend to build a number of other desalination plants with a larger capacity. In addition, Morocco intends to start construction of a nuclear power plant near the city of Mar with the assistance of the People's Republic of China.-

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rakesh. Rabat has its own program for the peaceful use of nuclear energy. Another example is the conclusion of a Sino-Namibian agreement on the construction of a tracking and flight control station for Chinese satellites on the territory of Namibia. The station will be used in accordance with the Chinese program for the peaceful use of outer space.

The advantage of Chinese technical and economic assistance is that it is not difficult to apply, not energy-consuming technology, adapted to the conditions of the "third world". The terms of its purchase are favorable for African countries, since the payment for machinery and equipment supplied by China is made mainly at the expense of commodity loans received from the PRC.

During the Beijing 2000 Forum, Chinese Foreign Trade Minister Shi Guangsheng announced China's intention to write off $ 1.2 billion ($10 billion) in the next two years. RMB) of debt from a number of the poorest African countries. China's move also aims to encourage international financial institutions and creditor countries to make "similar decisions" to ease the debt burden of African States. Even before the Forum, work was initiated with recipient countries to reconcile the amounts of loans and credits previously granted to them by China. And in early 2001, China and Uganda reached an agreement to write off part of the Ugandan debt, signing a number of policy documents. Negotiations to reduce the debt of other poorest African countries began in the first half of 2001, and although the full list has not been published, according to the author, it may include Togo, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Equatorial Guinea, etc. China's decision to write off debts of several African countries in the amount of $ 1.2 billion. It was positively assessed not only by the States concerned, but also by the entire African community.

In 1999, the People's Republic of China provided approximately $ 185 million in grant aid to the African Development Fund. At the same time, China placed $ 360 million in targeted investments in the African Development Bank (ADB) to fight poverty in 39 African countries. Chinese enterprises participate in projects financed by ADB, which is perceived in Africa as an example of South-South cooperation. In addition, at the bilateral level, the PRC continues the practice of providing gratuitous assistance, mainly for the elimination of the consequences of natural disasters.

A new form of China-Africa cooperation is the export of labor. Labor migration makes it possible to alleviate the problem of labor surplus in China and its shortage in a number of African regions. In the first 6 months of 2000 alone, 573 new contracts were signed for China to perform contract work in Africa and export labor from China to Africa. Their total amount exceeded $ 1 billion.

African countries show great interest in cooperation with China in the field of public health, especially in connection with the growing incidence of malaria (the first place in the African list of causes of death), AIDS, tuberculosis, etc. on the continent. The economic significance of the epidemic problem for Africa stems from the fact that the elimination of malaria alone could increase the GDP of African countries by 37% .43 According to data for 2000, China sent medical teams to 60 countries of the "third world", mainly in Africa, which numbered 16 thousand people. A total of 22 million people were treated by Chinese doctors .44 China has spent more than $ 2 billion for this purpose. RMB (over $ 240 million). In Africa alone, Chinese specialists have trained 2,000 junior and secondary medical personnel, built and equipped hospitals, and built pharmaceutical enterprises. China contributes to the fight against malaria in Africa: from 1994 to 1998, during their visits to the continent, the leaders of the People's Republic of China conveyed

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The effective Chinese drug Cotexin was donated to African countries; in 1998, with the assistance of the Chinese corporation Cotec, a project for the production of African Cotexin was launched in Kenya.

Cooperation in the field of education and advanced training of specialists is also developing. China has established scholarships for African students and interns studying there. The Ministry of Education of the People's Republic of China has implemented or is implementing 36 projects in 19 African countries. More than 10 Chinese universities maintain links with 20 African universities. There are 1,384 students from Africa studying in China, accounting for 21.8% of the total number of international students receiving Chinese government scholarships. Training courses and seminars have been organized for African countries. Since 1998, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the People's Republic of China has held seminars twice a year for managers and high-level managers from 14 African countries, where special emphasis is placed on promoting China's "open foreign economic policy" and analyzing the achievements of China's economic reforms. The expansion of Sino-African trade union exchange is also apparently subordinated to the promotion of Chinese political and economic experience. In particular, the National Union of Food, Vegetable and Tobacco Workers of Nigeria recently reached an agreement with the Chinese trade unions to develop training programs for its employees.

China's interests on the continent are also served by Chinese African studies. If until the 1980s, Chinese scientists focused on the political aspects of the continent's development, including the liberation movement, the strategies of various parties and political forces, then with the expansion of modernization processes in China, the research of its Africanists focused on the analysis of natural resources, the investment climate in various countries of the continent, and, of course, markets. Some African leaders believe that Africa will be a vast new global market in the first quarter of the twenty-first cen-tury, 45 and the likelihood of this seems to be taken into account in China. China intends to provide the continent's states with "intellectual assistance" to improve Africa's ability to make optimal use of its own resources based on adequate governance, technology, and market mechanisms. Such assistance will undoubtedly contribute to the dissemination of Chinese experience in socio-economic development, which is also of great political importance for the PRC.

However, despite the prospects of China-Africa trade and economic ties, there are certain difficulties on the way to expanding them. This is, in some cases, the uniformity of the exported assortment (agricultural products and textiles), as well as geographical remoteness and the associated high cost of transporting trade items. In addition, there is a lack of commercial awareness of the most active counterparties - Chinese foreign trade organizations and manufacturing companies, as well as the traditional orientation towards former metropolises that persists in a number of African countries (partly neutralized by the high cost of Western products). We can mention the limited commodity nomenclature of a number of least developed African countries, as well as the amount of Chinese import duties, which some African exporters think is too high. It should be noted that the PRC is making effective efforts to expand its economic relations with the" Black Continent", as evidenced by the constant growth of indicators of economic cooperation.

Within the framework of the stated topic, it is advisable to pay special attention to the issues of Sino-African defense cooperation, because in Chinese practice, the Ministry of Defense performs the duties not only of a purely military department, but also of an institution with the authority to conduct an active foreign policy.-

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academic work and propaganda. Thus, military-technical cooperation (MTC) in Sino-African relations appears as a special form of political and economic interaction. Chinese Defense Minister Colonel-General Chi Ha-otian and top officials of the Chinese General Staff during their foreign trips discuss with the host countries not only issues of strengthening bilateral defense cooperation, but also issues of interaction on the world political stage. They explain China's position on many international issues, and the Defense Minister has the authority to make political statements on behalf of the Chinese leadership.

The main direction of China's military-technical cooperation with African states, of course, is the supply of Chinese weapons to the continent. As of the late 1990s, Africa accounted for a quarter of China's total military exports. According to the author, this indicator should have reached 27-28% by the beginning of the XXI century, due to the general trend of expansion of the Sino-African military-technical cooperation in recent years. The main items of Chinese military exports to the continent are small arms and ammunition. At the same time, the PRC sells Soviet military equipment that has already been discontinued in Russia, or its modifications, since China has established the production of the most used Soviet-style weapons in the "third world", as well as spare parts for Soviet military equipment. Thus, in 1993, Zambia received a loan for the purchase of components for military equipment in the PRC, which it had received from the USSR at the time .46 One of the latest examples of the supply of Chinese dual-use products to Africa is the purchase by Kenya of two batches (six cars each) of Yun-12 aircraft. The official representative of Kenya noted the high flight qualities of Chinese cars. The Yun-12 family includes multi-purpose light aircraft that can take off and land on an unusually short runway. They can be used for both passenger transportation and aerial reconnaissance.

China's military cooperation with some countries in the region can also be carried out in non-standard forms. So, in 2000. Beijing has had to deny reports that it has deployed "tens of thousands" of its troops to Sudan to protect an oil pipeline that runs from the south to a port on the Red Sea from rebels. Reports of China's deployment of a large contingent of military personnel to Sudan were confirmed by members of the British delegation headed by human rights activist Caroline Cox, who returned from there. China's participation in the operation was explained by Beijing's strategic interests - the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) is one of the main partners of the Sudanese government in the development of the Upper Nile deposits.

Factors favoring the expansion of the Sino-African military-technical cooperation are the following: mutual interest of the parties in trade in military equipment and the relative cheapness of Chinese products (with acceptable quality and reliability). A number of African countries are interested in supplying spare parts for Soviet or imitated military equipment (as you know, the Chinese military industry was once created on the Soviet model, so it is not difficult to produce analog spare parts). In some cases, China is ready to supply military equipment on a gratuitous basis or by barter, which corresponds to the intentions of a number of countries on the continent to export valuable mineral raw materials in exchange for weapons. China, unlike Western exporters, is ready to supply weapons not only to relatively solvent African importers, but also to those experiencing financial difficulties. Some countries of the continent are trying to diversify the sources of imported military equipment in order to gradually reduce its dependence on Western manufacturers (this is very appealing to the Chinese

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on the other side and from a political point of view). China does not condition the supply of its defense products on political requirements and does not impose any restrictions on them. Another factor is the lack of effectiveness of African R & D in the military sphere, the lack of programs for the introduction of advanced military technologies in the region, and the weakness of local military personnel. In addition, the political leadership of many African countries has special confidence in the PRC as a partner in South-South cooperation and a guardian of the interests of the "third world". The main buyers of Chinese military equipment are Nigeria, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Sudan, Uganda, Eritrea, Tanzania. China provides technical assistance to some of these countries to modernize their local defense industries.

The importance of the military-technical cooperation with China for African countries is due to the fact that the continent still has a significant number of armed conflicts, as well as hotbeds of internal instability. Many countries of the continent, even if they are not directly involved in armed clashes, are adjacent to States that are sources of tension. Among African countries, the practice of transferring and re-exporting imported weapons is widespread, in particular, through shadow channels. Therefore, the possibility of using military equipment and equipment against legitimate authorities is particularly high. North Africa is adjacent to particularly " hot spots "in the Middle East - this can explain the increase in military spending there in recent years. In sub-Saharan Africa, the situation is even more complex, with the ongoing civil war in South Sudan, internal conflicts in the CAR, DRC, Sierra Leone, Burundi, Rwanda and Somalia, and the Republic of the Congo. Angola has not yet completed its transition to a peaceful life, and armed actions are taking place on the borders of Sudan and Eritrea, as well as Ethiopia and Eritrea. Western countries have made complaints about non-compliance with human rights in Zambia, Nigeria and Kenya.

Many countries on the continent need weapons , a commodity whose operations are second only to the drug trade in terms of profitability. In addition, like no other commodity, once received weapons quickly become dependent on the supply of a particular manufacturer. In the world military park, due to the greater secrecy of production, there are few names of products whose spare parts would be interchangeable. But the supply of components is no less important export item than the supply of new complete samples of military equipment due to the high cost of the latter. Therefore, it seems that by selling weapons to the continent, China is not only expanding the scope of economic cooperation with Africa, but also to some extent trying to "tie" African countries to itself politically.

Thus, the significance of China's relations with African countries is due to the fact that the main economic problems of our time ("underdevelopment" in all its versatility, including the deepening gap in the levels of development of the "North" and "South"; the need for "development assistance" and the establishment of the National Economic Policy Framework; outstanding credit and financial debt; democratization of the terms of trade, etc. all the same international terrorism) ripen in the womb of developing countries. The aggravation of these problems with the growing social and political protest in the " third world "exacerbates the whole complex of contradictions between the" North "and" South", and therefore represents a major global problem. China and African countries have found common ground in the fact that the best way to respond to the challenges of globalization, which best suits their real conditions, is to expand South-South cooperation, that is, to intensify cooperation within the developing world itself. The thesis of the need for such cooperation in various verbal forms has been in the arsenal of the Chinese theory of international relations almost since the formation of the PRC. Chinese and African politicians and political scientists have always favored cooperation

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"South-South" has a purely economic meaning. Similarly, they view globalization itself primarily as an economic phenomenon. Cooperation between China and African states has gained a visible political dimension, perhaps, in the last 10 years - just at a time when globalization trends are accelerating. China-Africa political cooperation, which is based on mutual interest, is currently carried out at the level of bilateral relations (coordination and recognition of common positions on many international issues), and is also coordinated within certain limits within international organizations and associations (in the UN and its bodies - FAO, UNCTAD, the Commission on Human Rights, etc.). others, in the Group of 77 and already-to some extent-in the WTO).

notes

1 Beijing Review. 1998. N 52. P. 8.

2 Developing countries and the globalization of the world economy / / Compass. 2000. N 27. P. 7.

3 Ibid., p. 8.

4 Arms exporting countries are South Africa and Zimbabwe. The rest of the continent's countries involved in the arms trade do not produce, but re-export the latter.

5 Yomiuri. 2000. 24 th of July.

6 African Union-second edition of the OAU, or the United States of Africa? // Compass. 2001. N11. P. 63.

7 Highlight of Vice Foreign Minister Ji Peiding's Briefing to African Ambassadors on the Implementation of the Follow-up Actions of Forum for China- Africa Cooperation. 2000. 6 th of February // www.chinese-embassy.org.za.

8 See: Compass. 1999. N 30. P. 43.

9 People's Republic of China. Politics, economics, and culture. 1999. Moscow, 2001, p. 249.

10 Contemporary International Relations. 2000. N 11. P. 5.

11 Xinhua. 2001. January 15 from Libreville.

12 Contemporary International Relations. 2000. N 11. P. 5.

13 ITAR-TASS. 2000. October 9.

14 ITAR-TASS. 2002. January 15.

15 http://asiatimes.narod.ru. 2002. April 17-23.

16 Xinhua. 2000. October 12 from Beijing.

17 www.africaplc.com. 2002. 21 st of March.

18 Beijing Review. 2000. N 41. P. 9.

19 BBC News // http:/news.bbc.co.uk. 2001. 4 th of December.

20 Kompas. 2002. N 4. P. 36.

21 Contemporary International Relations. 2001. N 9. P. 32.

22 www.africaplc.com. 2002. 19 th -21 st of March.

23 Africa meet on 'Marshall' plan. BBC News. // http://news.bbc.co.uk. 2001. 4 th of December.

24 Programme for China-Africa Cooperation in Economic and Social Development // www.Chinese-embassy.org.za. 2000. 12 th of October.

25 Speech by Mr. Sun Guangxiang on Follow-up Action of China-Africa Co- operation Forum at the Briefing Meeting with African Diplomatoc Envoys (Feb. 6, 2001) // www.Chinese-embassy, org.za. 2001. 7 of February.

26 The data are based on the report of Deputy Minister of Foreign Trade of the People's Republic of China Sun Guangxiang at a meeting with African ambassadors on February 6, 2001 (Speech by Mr. Sun Guangxiang on Follow-up Action of China-Africa Cooperation Forum at the Briefing Meeting with African Diplomatic Envoys (Feb. 6, 2001) / / www.Chinese - embas-sy.org.za. 2001. 7 th of February).

27 Calculated by: Shijie zhishi nianjian. 1999/2000 (Yearbook of World Knowledge). Beijing, 1999, December, pp. 43-45.

28 It should be noted that the PRC has been considering the full development of foreign trade relations as the most important factor in the country's economic modernization since 1978. If in the 1970s, foreign trade accounted for 3% of the country's GDP, now it is already 22% (Business Day (Johannesburg). 2001. 7 th of December).

29 Calculated from: Bussiness Day. 2001. 7 th of December.

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30 New Areas of Sino-SA Trade Defined // Business Day. 2002. 16 th of January.

31 Ibid. 2001. 7 th of December.

32 Ibid. 2002. 16 th of January.

33 Beijing Review. 1998. N 7. P. 6 - 7.

34 http://asiatimes.nsod.ru. 2002. April 26.

35 Business Day. 2001. 7 th of December.

36 Kavindele Urges China to Invest in SADC, Comesa // The Post (Lusaka). 2001. 19 th of June.

37 Calculated from: http://news.bbc.co.uk. 2001. 4 th of December, and the report of Deputy Minister of Foreign Trade of the People's Republic of China Sun Guangxiang at a meeting with African ambassadors on February 6, 2001. / / www.Chinese-embassy.org.za. 2001. 7 th ot February.

38 Speech by Mr. Sun Guangxiang on Follow-up Action of China-Africa Co- operation Forum at the Briefing Meeting with African Diplomatic Envoys (Feb. 6, 2001) // www.Chinese-embassy.org.za. 2001. 7 th of February.

Deich T. L. 39 Opyt sino-afrikanskogo ekonomicheskogo sotrudnichestva [Experience of Chinese-African economic cooperation]. Moscow, 1998, p. 32.

40 Ibid., p. 35.

41 See: Turaev V. A. Global Challenges to humanity, Moscow, 2002, p. 85.

42 The East African Standard (Nairobi). 2002. 14 th of March.

43 Beijing Review. 2000. N 41. P. 31.

44 Ibid. P. 29.

45 Ibid. P. 28.

Deich T. L. 46 Cit. soch. P. 90.

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