image of Africa Keywords:, racism, racial discourse, American racial experience, global media - image of Africa in the USSR and modern Russia

The racial discourse that has developed in the Americas has shaped the perception of Africa and Africans around the world for decades.

The traditional definition of racial discourse, which goes back to Victorian thinkers such as F. Galton, reduces it to a set of ideas about innate characteristics, instincts, skin color and racial purity, used to justify and justify social inequality. In modern societies, such an understanding is certainly considered archaic and is losing ground under the onslaught of a new type of political correctness - the "discourse on culture", according to which a particular group, people, or ethnic group is described as a cultural, rather than a racial entity.¹

Meanwhile, as the Russian researcher V. Shnirelman notes, "the majority of ordinary people who are guided by 'common sense' still see race as a biological reality."². As a result, the old racial discourse does not disappear anywhere, but simply applies terminology from the field of culture, which is transformed into hidden codes for the manifestation of racial intolerance. Thus, the "discourse on culture" often disguises the same racial theories that are aimed at more or less overt and open discrimination against various social groups labeled as "culturally different" ³.

RACIAL DISCOURSE AND SOCIAL INEQUALITY

A curious example of the ideological use of discourse about culture is given by the British sociologists J. R. R. Tolkien.Potter and M. Wetherell, who analyzed the problem of cultural identity among New Zealanders. At the same time, white New Zealanders are seen as progressive, liberal, egalitarian individuals, interested and open to other cultures, "civilized" people. The Maori, the indigenous population of New Zealand, do not automatically become civilized in the event of a loss of cultural identity, but rather "rootless"⁴. It is difficult to find serious differences from racial discourse here, except for the greater sophistication of the description. The Maori have a culture that whites can learn. And the whites have a civilization. "In other words, the opinions of the modern world are common sense. In this discourse, the Maori become exotic and the white majority become the "norm"⁵. The political correctness of cultural discourse should not be misleading: in fact, it does the same ideological work as traditional racial discourse-it supports the idea of difference as "natural" and highlights the justification of social inequality from the point of view of the dominant group.⁶

It should be emphasized that racial discourse, which reproduces racial prejudices, organizes society in such a way that some groups dominate and suppress others.⁷ From the point of view of social psychologists engaged in discursive analysis, the categorizing function of discourse acts as a mechanism for constructing social reality, ⁸ and racism is qualified not as a "personal pathology", but as "as a social pathology formed by power relations and conflicting group relations".⁹. The social structure itself is seen as a derivative of discourse: "... the discursive act creates groups, interests, emotions, similarities and differences, social landscape, anthropology, identity psychology, and even geography. " ¹⁰

A similar opinion is shared by modern sociologists, who see race as an artificial construct ("race is a product of racism, not vice versa") - one of the means of creating and describing identity. At the same time, they emphasize that race remains an important concept that defines and legitimizes people's actions in the socio-political sphere. ¹¹ Sociologists speak of "racialization" -a phenomenon that involves the perception of the social, political or economic status of groups in racial terms, and therefore groups themselves are labeled as racial. Moreover, race is not a phantom: "races certainly exist, but they do not have an independent biological existence outside of the social meaning that we attach to the biological explanation" ¹².

That is why the analysis of racial discourse and racism should be carried out taking into account a broad social and political context.

IMAGE OF AFRICA

Any attempt to analyze images of Africa and Africans?-

Bezhno addresses the issue of racial discrimination, since the history of the continent's image formation is a history of racism and attempts to overcome it, sometimes quite successful.

Many researchers emphasize that the history of racism begins with the era of great geographical discoveries. The people that "European navigators saw in America, South Africa, and the West Indies not only believed in other gods and spoke other languages, but had a different skin color." ¹³

According to the American psychologist S. Hall, Western ideas about " race "and ideas about racial differences were mainly formed by three fateful encounters with"other people" ¹⁴. The first coincided with the beginning of the great geographical discoveries. The second occurred during the division of Africa, when European Powers were fighting for control of territories, markets, and raw materials, and racism emerged as an ideology of colonization, as a "theory" that gave it legitimacy. Colonialism "has divided humanity into groups, some of which, by virtue of their superiority, are predestined to rule, others, by virtue of their inferiority, to submit."¹⁵

This is the third time the West has met immigrants from former colonies since World War II, when migrants from Third World countries flooded into Europe and America.

From the first meeting, images of racial differences began to spread through the records of travelers, literary works, maps, illustrations, oral stories, etc. Africans were associated with nature, became symbols of primitivism, primitivism-in contrast to the "civilized world". In Europe, special "colonial" exhibitions were organized, where such "images" became the property of the general public. Ilya Ehrenburg, then a Paris correspondent for Izvestia, described the 1931 exhibition: "The Bois de Vincennes was crowded with visitors. They built pagodas, palaces, and fake villages. Negroes had to work, eat, and sleep in full view of everyone. Women breastfed their babies. The onlookers were swarming around like a zoo." In addition, some visitors threw toys and food to the living exhibits, as in menagerie ¹⁶.

Many researchers write that images of Africans in the Americas (both North and South) served to justify the slave trade and the use of slave labor. The Black Continent was depicted as a place characterized by absolute savagery, cannibalism, demonic cults and debauchery. Various "biological" arguments have been made based on real and imagined psychological or anatomical differences that supposedly determine the intellectual and physical superiority of the white person17.

THE IMAGE OF AN AFRICAN IN THE CINEMA

The most interesting is the evolution of the image of the African in film, and then on television. It was American cinema that became the media through which racially tinged images began to spread widely both within the United States and in the world as a whole.

Dream Factory used a set of stereotypes, where at one extreme there was an idea of blacks as lazy by nature, primitive, prone to servile behavior; at the other-as "noble savages", good Christians, loyal servants. American cinema has, in a sense, crystallized certain biases and beliefs and turned them into cliches and stereotypes.

The American researcher D. Bogle identified five main images that migrated from the era of slavery to television screens: loyal, obedient "Tom"; "sad mulatto" - a rude, funny black man; "colored woman", painfully torn by dual racial heritage, culture and traditions; "Mammy" - a Black nanny-the prototype of a domestic servant, usually a very plump, grumpy "commander" who is devoted to her white owners (for example, "Mammy "from the movie" Gone with the Wind", 1939); and, finally, a large, strong" Bad Buck", hypersexual, wild, violent and infuriated at the sight of white skin ¹⁸. Despite the fact that over time the image of the African in American cinema has undergone significant changes, echoes of stereotypes that appeared in the era of slavery and segregation are also felt in modern media. Many examples of the same images can be found in the depiction of" black youth "and its subculture, as well as"black neighborhoods".

RACISM AND THE MEDIA

Racial perceptions are also found in the daily news - the so-called real media. And if the portrayal of African Americans in movies does not cause strong criticism, then in the situation with other media, the situation is different. American ethnologist Fr. Gandhi in his book "Communication and Race: structuralist perspective " claims that the media reproduces racism ¹⁹. Most news about minorities, especially blacks, in the United States focuses on entertainment, sports, poverty, and crime. One gets the impression that there are excellent athletes and artists among blacks, but poverty and crime are widespread. Behind the scenes are ordinary African-Americans, including engineers, doctors, teachers, government employees, etc. It is also overlooked that crimes can be committed by whites, among whom, moreover,,

poverty and illiteracy are also common. As a result, these social diseases are associated with Africans in the public consciousness.

A study of photographs in leading US magazines conducted by M. Gilens shows that the number of images of black people illustrating stories about poverty is disproportionate to the real situation. But what's even more important is the nature of the photos. As a rule, African-Americans are presented in such a way that they are not able to arouse any sympathy (old people, people with physical disabilities, etc.) ²⁰.

Research was also conducted on ABC, CBS, and NBC news programs that featured African-Americans who rarely discussed serious economic issues, international relations, or elections; they were also hardly involved as experts.

At the same time, blacks were often experts on racial issues and discrimination. I must say that it is precisely such factors as black unemployment, inefficient school education, single-parent families that contributed to the criminalization of the black population. The researchers noted that white criminals were much more likely than African-American criminals to be called by their first names, that is, they acted as specific individuals, and not representatives of a certain malicious community.

The journalistic stories, whose characters were peculiar prototypes of Americans-children and adults, usually told about hard work, success, caring for one's neighbor, duty to the nation, and all the characters were white without exception. This led to the conclusion that "American" automatically means "white." ²¹ Moreover, most people in the United States view "America as a country of democracy: our leaders act according to the wishes of the people, our economy is free, and God is alive, white,and male." ²²

However, recently there have been American films in which God can be a woman, and one of the apostles can be black ("Dogma", 1999), and even God is black (performed by Morgan Freeman in the movie "Bruce Almighty", 2003). No one will be surprised by a black cop, a judge, a general, or even the president of the United States.

Michael Moore's acclaimed documentary Bowling for Columbine (2002) clearly shows that the myth of the constant threat from African and Latin Americans is created by the mass media. The film, which focuses on the relationship between violence and fear in modern America, tries to answer the question of why the United States is the world leader in the number of homicides with firearms. There is a strong opinion that unresolved racial problems and "ethnic heterogeneity"may be the cause of indiscriminate shooting. The author of the film traces the history of violence in America since the extermination of Indians, pointing out that since then the problem of racism has not been solved, but they have developed a universal image of the common enemy-the African-American.

The film has a remarkable episode in its own way: talking about the" fear " of Americans, which the media constantly feeds, the director gives as an example a story about the invasion of killer bees. In the course of the story, it turns out that the bees, which, moreover, are blacker and larger than usual, also flew across the Atlantic from Africa!

The current stage of media development is characterized not only by the" internationalization " of broadcasting, i.e., the broadcasting of foreign television programs, ²³ but also by globalization, in which there is an asymmetric exchange of information between developed and developing countries. This is part of the process of communicating your worldview, instilling an ideology, and thus creating the basis for dominance.

WEST AND AFRICA

Centuries of unequal relations between the West and Africa, the slave trade, colonialism and neocolonialism predestined the emergence of a classification of societies and individuals, according to which Africa retains a marginal position and an image of something insignificant and peripheral. Global media reflect the hierarchy and dominance scheme, maintain and update it. For the American layman, Africa is a place located somewhere "out there", and the people who inhabit it are some "they" who are different and sometimes opposed to "us". The institutionalization of racial discrimination could not but lead to the fact that economic and social differences between groups became cultural. People who for centuries belonged to the" lower "strata have developed codes of social communication that are fundamentally different from those used by the" higher " ones: their dialect, their idols, their values, their behavioral standards. Differences caused by social factors (for example, separate education) appeared as "natural" differences in "mentality", psychological makeup, etc., and those resulting from discrimination began to look like its source ²⁴.

At the present stage of globalization, when complex telecommunications systems, increased mobility of labor and capital, and increasing flows of goods compress both time and space, forming techno-economic, geopolitical, and socio-cultural landscapes, the scale of racial and cultural differences is growing ²⁵.

A Western, mostly American, racial experience like him

It is widely used in Western and global media, and threatens to spread American racial discourse around the world, even to countries where society is not structured along racial lines.²⁶

ORIGINS OF THE IMAGE OF AFRICA

One of the foundations on which the image of Africa is built is the opposition of the civilized and uncivilized, culture and nature, and Africans are identified with the latter. Echoes of the" natural " image can be found in the recent past.

So, in the book of the American psychologist Donna Haraway "The idea of primates: gender, race and nature in the world of modern science", published in 1989, says: "In the 80s, television and such prestigious magazines as National Geographic created an epic about white female scientists who spent many years in Africa studying and protecting animals. They live alone in the middle of the wilderness, their closest contact with the world is in a town a hundred kilometers away. Those African assistants (including those with higher education) who live and work near them are simply not considered human. Especially the villagers who supply the female scientists with everything they need. Africans are unconsciously and sincerely treated as part of the wild"²⁷.

The second characteristic feature of the image of Africa is that it is seen not as an actor, not as an independent actor, but as a victim. The American media ignores news from the Black Continent, if they are not about mass famine, natural disasters and conflicts. As a result, readers perceive African states as untenable and in need of Western assistance. A similar image, perhaps softened, but with a clear paternalistic connotation, was also inherent in the Soviet media, which saw the USSR's mission in rescuing helpless Africans.

Another facet of the image of Africa is poverty. In the global media, Africa is used as a metaphor for backwardness and hopelessness.²⁸

AFRICA - "THE OTHER"

In general, Africa is presented as "different". In the news, there are always conflicts "we-they", "white-black", "traditional-modern", "civilized-wild", "refined-primitive", etc. Such oppositions are the product of historically formed relationships based on the use of the factor of race as a principle of social relations. "Blacks" are historically associated with the concepts of "wild", "primitive" and "them"; at the other conceptual pole are "whites", which represent "us" or Europeans and Americans. ²⁹

The description of conflicts in Africa, as a rule, shows the characters of the plots as people who are controlled by primitive emotions, lack of rationalism and intelligence. International coverage of the Hutu-Tutsi conflict in Rwanda suggested that the genocide was the result of some innate inter-ethnic hatred, which resulted in irrational violence, not at all the same as, for example, in Northern Ireland.³⁰

Many Africanists [³¹] point out that the term "tribe" is a pejorative and helpless label used to reinforce the image of African primitivism. So-called tribal conflicts could be described in other terms. But although the term "tribe" appeared in the 19th century, during the formation of evolutionary and racist theories, it is still actively used in the news from Africa.

The term "Black-on-Black" used in reports from war zones in Africa has a distinctly racist connotation. European conflicts, even interethnic ones, such as those in Bosnia, have never been considered White-on-White or tribal.

At the end of the 20th century, the West tried to look at Africa with "new eyes", the slave trade was recognized as a criminal activity, and some countries apologized for its use.

After that, the issue of North-South relations became on the agenda of media researchers; from this point of view, news coming from the African continent - "little good news" - began to be considered. The "Northern" mass media continued to be criticized for their tendency to talk only about the "bad" and dramatize events, focusing on droughts-coups-natural disasters as the main syndromes of the South.³²

The most striking example is the series of programs "Live Africa" on the BBC (Africa Lives on the BBC). Experts have repeatedly expressed surprise at the fact that even in the twenty-first century, the leading media could not abandon the "imperial manners", using such cliches as "non-Western other" and "non-Western distant relative"to describe non-Western countries. "I personally do not believe," wrote Vincent Magombe, coordinator of the global network of African journalists at Africa Inform International , " that the BBC today employs producers, editors, researchers, and journalists who believe in white racial superiority-openly and shamelessly-as it did in the days of the slave trade or colonial administration of Africa. But, at the same time, it would be naive not to notice the stereotyping and distorted presentation of non-Western societies and people in modern Western media, which in itself is an unpleasant tradition that goes back to its roots-

the dark and shameful history of colonialism and imperialism. " ³³

According to critics of the program, the BBC, most likely, was not the main inspiration for this series of programs. Apparently, this was an initiative of British Prime Minister Tony Blair and directly related to the preparations for the G8 summit in Gleneagles (Scotland, 2005), which was supposed to discuss policy towards Africa. After the forum, the BBC's Africa Lives on the show ended its existence ³⁴.

RACIAL DISCOURSE IN RUSSIA

Unlike Western countries, Russia did not have "fateful meetings" with representatives of the African continent, colonies, black slavery and segregation policies. The sometimes contradictory attitude of Russians towards Africa and Africans was marked by mutual curiosity and revolutionary solidarity during the years of the struggle for independence and the Cold War.

For the vast majority of Soviet people, the African was not a real person, whose image was formed as a result of direct contact. Perhaps the only African who was widely known in pre-Soviet Russia was the "Russian African" Ibrahim Hannibal-Peter the Great's Arab, so culturally assimilated that, one might say, he ceased to be black. In the film" The Tale of how Tsar Peter married the Arap " (1976), the great-grandfather of the great poet is played by Vladimir Vysotsky, and his face smeared with wax is perceived as a symbol of black skin.

As for A. S. Pushkin himself, as M. Tsvetaeva wrote: "Not bad Russian classic, / The Sky of Africa-his / Calling, Nevsky-cursed!" Perhaps for Pushkin, the appeal to African roots was a form of dissidence, and this does not prevent him from being considered the "sun of Russian poetry" and "our all". The influence of A. S. Pushkin's personality and image on the perception of Africans by Russians requires a separate detailed study. It is obvious, however,that it was his example that, if not inspired, then certainly conditioned such statements in poetic form.

Love for Africans is in the blood of Russians:

 
 
 A black man walks through Moscow, 
 Not just a smile-a confession 
 in love 
 Any passerby will give it away... 
 
 

Evg. Dolmatovsky

A more naive and" down-to-earth "version of recognizing the attractiveness of someone who looks different from you is set out in the pioneers' favorite song: "Under the black skin / The Nave has a heart, too. / It can / Laugh and love. / And shout loudly://"We Negroes are human beings, too. / But black skin / They can't forgive us. " ³⁵

For Russia, an African has always been a foreigner, and his image has been shaped by literature and propaganda. In Soviet literature of the 1920s and 1950s, a "foreigner-alien" is always a white and often fat man. Usually he is a resident of Western Europe or America, always a class enemy-an oppressor, endowed only with such human qualities as allow him to be considered a "bourgeois". The image of the bad black in Soviet literature of this period, when the invention of political correctness was still far away, is impossible to find. According to D. Mammadova, " dark skin color is a guarantee of positivity. A black foreigner is a" native foreigner", socially close and endowed with all sorts of advantages. And if he is in the Soviet Union, then he is already in the board, paying Soviet people for love and sympathy in the same coin. Although the sympathy was paternalistic, it was still sincere. " ³⁶

This is echoed by the publicist L. Rubinstein: "Negroes were the object of universal love and universal heartfelt sympathy. The good Negro was mythologically opposed to the bad American. The Negro was poor, honest, noble, and oppressed. The American was rich, spiteful, impudent, and rattled his guns from morning till late at night. It was clear to everyone that the American was a white potbellied man with his feet on the table, a huge cigar in his mouth and a bag of bucks in his hand. To make sure there was no doubt, the bag read: "$ 1,000,000". The Negro was necessarily a good-looking, thin guy - a neckcloth, battered trousers, an open smile. " ³⁷

When L. Rubinstein tries to remember how the word African ("Negro", as he writes) acquired a clear visual content for him, he is reminded of pictures from "Crocodile", where "an emaciated black man" cleans the shoes of "a brazenly grinning Mr. Twister with a cigar in his teeth", or reads the inscription in despair "Only for whites"; or pictures "from the justly forgotten, but once terribly popular book" Children of Mustard Paradise " or "Uncle Tom's Huts".

Official propaganda offered poster images of anti-colonialism fighters breaking the chains of slavery, which the Soviet people, unlike "Western capitalists and colonialists", selflessly supported in their struggle.

Images of Africans also appeared in Soviet cinema: the feature films Maksimka (1952) ³⁸, The Fifteen-Year-Old Captain (1945) and, probably the most famous, The Circus (1936) - ideologically verified manifestos of proletarian internationalism and international solidarity of workers. The directors of these films have created compelling characters of oppressed blacks-objects of pity and sympathy. However, these films are not free from racial prejudice.-

bezhdeniy. The attitude towards Africans was friendly, but patronizing. Russian sailors in the film" Maksimka "(the story of the rescue of a black boy in the waters of the Atlantic in 1864) agree that"although the Africans are wild, they are also people, and they should be pitied." They refuse to land the "little arap" in Holland, because there is the same slave trade as in America, and compare themselves with it: "They were recently serfs themselves." The sailors even think of leaving Maksimka on the ship, but first they want to christen him so that he will no longer be of the "Arapchon title".

In the Soviet past, one can find interesting examples of reflection on the juxtaposition of culture and nature. For example, the cartoon "African Fairy Tale", created on the basis of the work of Jomo Kenyatta ³⁹. It tells the story of a Black man who fights for the liberation of his country from colonial oppression, and in the image of which humanity and culture are personified. Savagery is represented by colonizing animals, in which viewers can easily recognize the United States as a self-satisfied elephant, Great Britain as a gentleman lion, France as a crocodile, and the rhinoceros as a collective image of the Catholic Church, the "accomplice of the colonizers".

It should be noted that in the 1980s it became possible to see "bad" Africans in Russian films, but they were either dictators or a military junta supported by capitalist powers (for example, the multi-part film "TASS is authorized to declare", 1984) ^.40

Perhaps the image of an African in the USSR was the product of a well-thought-out policy and propaganda. Open manifestations of racial intolerance were unacceptable, which is probably why everyday racism was a "paradoxical form of grassroots dissidence", a reaction to official "internationalism". As the Russian researcher D. Bondarenko notes, " there is a widespread opinion in our society, which we consider erroneous: that racists did not exist in the Soviet Union, but they appeared already in the troubled 1990s.In fact, deus ex machina-out of nowhere. But nothing can come out of nothing, and at least at a time when faith in the communist ideology was fading among the people - in the 1970s and 1980s, there were people (even if perhaps there were fewer of them than today) who, despite the official propaganda of "proletarian internationalism" they did not like racially "other" people, in particular Africans. " ⁴¹

These grassroots forms of racism later evolved into what scholars have called" racism in Russian": "This phenomenon is very contradictory in its manifestations: hostility, suspicion, public rudeness, even disgust can be combined with almost naive curiosity, generosity, patronage and devotion." ⁴² Grigory Siyatvinda, actor of the Satyricon Theater, describes his childhood in Tyumen in the 1970s:"...It wasn't racist. I was the only black person in Tyumen, a city in Siberia where there were no black people at all. And this is the reason for the increased curiosity about me on the part of others. However, curiosity was sometimes so strong that it exceeded the limits of tact and delicacy. " ⁴³

With the beginning of the country's liberal transformation, the positive image of the African-along with other achievements of the Soviet era - was rejected. As Lily Golden noted, "the long-awaited perestroika, along with democracy and freedom of speech, also brought such phenomena as social inequality, chauvinism, and xenophobia." ⁴⁴

Meanwhile, at the end of the 20th century, it became obvious that a person with a non-white skin color may well turn out to be a compatriot, a Russian, and not a foreigner. This is probably the same fateful encounter with the" others " that the West experienced much earlier. The sad thing is that the perception of these "others" uses negative social attitudes that are characteristic of all people and cliches that are already ready, developed mainly by Western culture.

Critics of the Western mass media believe that"for centuries, the West has associated Africa with darkness, despair, corruption and chaos." ⁴⁵ The same image is conveyed by modern Russian media, which explicitly or implicitly support the version about the advantages of Western civilization and its values, their priority for underdeveloped countries, which sooner or later, under certain circumstances, will not be able to achieve this goal. Therefore, we must follow the path of progress and democracy.

In general, the tone of information coverage of African events in the Russian media depends on the ideological orientation of the latter. The more the mass media position themselves as Western-oriented or liberal, the more often stories about the Black Continent are used to contrast Africa with the civilized world, including Russia.

From Perestroika to the end of the 1990s, Russian authorities and society, preoccupied with their own socio-economic and political problems, were not interested in Africa. Ill-considered statements by high-ranking Russian officials in the early 1990s led to a cooling of relations between Russia and African countries. For example, there is a well-known story about how in 1992 the Minister of Foreign Affairs A. Kozyrev called the African National Congress of South Africa a "terrorist" organization. We can observe a change in the image of Africa in official Russian discourse since the beginning of the twenty-first century, when Russian leaders began to correct Russia's position on African issues, and ideology was replaced by economic interests.

Nevertheless, there are concerns that the racial experience of the West, especially the United States, will be the starting point for the emergence of racial discourse throughout Europe, especially in those countries where a large number of non-white emigrants from former colonies are concentrated. In Britain, France, Germany, and Italy, this discourse extends to images and representations of Indians, Pakistanis, Moroccans, Algerians, Palestinians, Turks, Nigerians, and others. We can observe similar processes in today's Russia.

Some black Russians have already achieved fame in Russia, mainly in the field of sports and entertainment, in show business. Elena Hanga once expressed the hope that the coming to power of Barack Obama, who became the first African-American president of the United States, would also help increase the prestige of blacks in Russia. "I would like to see us [black Russians] succeed in politics or science in Russia." 46

TV presenters Elena Hanga and Anton Zaitsev, actor Grigory Siyatvinda, MTV vijay Ivan Traore( Ivan Blackman), singer Cornelia Mango Donato have become Russian Africans, whose role in Russian show business should promote a positive image of Africa devoid of racial prejudice.

In conclusion, I would like to say a few words about the difficulties that the Russian media may face in borrowing the image of Africa from Western media. The Russian media accepts and uses the image structured by the West, but a similar hierarchy exists in relation to the image of Russia itself, which in this scheme is not the West, but is as "different" for the West as Africa.

^{Emelyanova T. P.} 1 Kontseptsiya sotsial'nykh predstavleniy i diskursivnaya psikhologiya [The concept of social representations and discursive psychology]. 2005. Vol. 26, No. 5, pp. 16-25.

^{2 Shnirelman V.} 2 Rasizm vzdrada i segodnya [Racism yesterday and today] / / "Pro et Contra", September-October 2005, p.45.

^{Goldberg D.T.} 3 The Semantics of Race // Ethnic and Racial Studies. 1992. Vol. 15. No. 4, p. 555; Lieberman L., Reynolds L. T. Race: The Deconstruction of a Scientific Concept - in: Race and Other Misadventures: Essays in Honor of Ashley Montagu in His Ninetieth Year / L.T. Reynolds, L. Lieberman (eds) / N. Y., 1996, p. 165 - 166.

^{Fillit L. J., Jorgensen M. V.} 4 Discourse analysis. Teoriya i metod [Theory and Method], Moscow, 2008, p. 70.

⁵ Ibid.

^{Potter J., Wetherell M.} 6 Social representations, discourse analysis and racism - in: The psychology of the social / Ed by U.Flick /. Cambridge, 1998, p. 150.

^{Potter J., Wetherell M.} 7 Mapping the language of racism: Discourse and the legitimation of exploitation. L., 1992, p. 198.

^{Yemelyanova T. P.} 8 Edict. soch., p. 20.

^{Potter J., Wetherell M.} 9 Mapping the language of racism.., p. 208.

¹⁰ Op. cit., p. 146.

^{Shnirelman V.} 11 Decree. soch., p. 46.

^{Visweswaran K.} 12 Race and the Culture of Anthropology // American Anthropologist. 1998. Vol. 100. N1, p. 77.

^{Malakhov V.} 13 Modest charm of racism / / "Modest charm of racism" and other articles. Moscow, 2001, p. 143.

^{Hall S.} 14 The Spectacle of the Other - in: Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practice. Sage and the Open University, 1997.

^{Malakhov V.} 15 Decree. soch., p. 144.

^{Ehrenburg I.} 16 Sobr. soch. in 9 volumes. Vol. 8. Moscow, 1966, p. 563. Cit. by: Sidorova G. Colonial expositions of France and Belgium in the late XIX-XX centuries. 2002, N 5.

^{Fredrickson G.M.} 17 The Black Image in the White Mind. The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817 - 1914. Wesleyan University Press, 1987.

^{Bogle D.} 18 Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies and Bucks: an Interpretative History of Blacks in American Films. N.Y., 1989, p. 3 - 16.

^{Gandy Oscar H.} 19 Communication and Race: A Structural Perspective. N.Y., 1998.

^{Gilens M.} 20 Why Americans Hate Welfare: Race, Media, and the Politics of Antipoverty Policy. Chicago, 1999.

^{Entman R., Rojecki A.} 21 The Black Image in the White Mind: Media and Race in America. Chicago, 2000.

^{Gerbner G., Gross L.} 22 Living with Television: the Violence Profile // Journal of Communication. 1976 Vol. 26, N 2, p. 174. Cit. by: Zemlyanova L. M. Sovremennaya amerikanskaya kommunikativistika [Modern American Communication Studies], Moscow, 1995, p. 76.

^{Negrine R., Papathanassopoulos St.} 23 The Internationalization of Television. N.Y., 1990; Preben Sepstrup. Transnationalization of Television in Western Europe. London, 1990.

^{Malakhov V.} 24 Decree. soch., p. 146.

^{Faye V. Harrison.} 25 Introduction: expanding the Discourse on "race" // American anthropologist 100(3): 609. (609 - 631), p. 199.

^{Kareithi P.} 26 The White Man's Burden // Rhodes Journalism Review. August 2001, N 20, p. 7.

^{Kara-Murza S. G.} 27 Manipulators of consciousness, Moscow, 2000.

^{Kareithi P.} 28 Op. cit.

^{Kenney Keith R.} 29 Images of Africa in news magazines: Is there a black perspective? // International Communication Gazette. 1995, p. 65.

^{Kareithi P.} 30 Op. cit.

³¹ Capturing the Continent: U.S. Media Coverage of Africa. Africa News. N 33 (June). 1990; Brock L. Inkatha: Notions of the "Primitive" and "Tribal" in Reporting on South Africa - in: Africa's Media Image. N.Y., 1992, p. 149 - 161; Ebo B. American Media and African Culture - in: Africa's Media Image. N.Y., 1992, p. 15 - 25; Hawk B.G. Introduction: Metaphors of African Coverage - in: Africa's Media Image. N.Y., 1992, p. 3 - 14.

^{Quist-Adade Ch.} 32 In the Shadows of the Kremlin and White House. Africa's Media Image from Communism to Post-Communism. N.Y., Oxford, 2001, p. 102.

^{Magombe V.} 33 'Africa Lives on the BBC - watershed or blip? // Global Media and Communication. Volume 2 (1), p. 122.

³⁴ Ibid., p. 123.

^{Dolmatovsky E.} 35 Everything is just beginning. Poems and songs. About bright Africa, about love, dreamers and builders. Moscow, 1961.

^{Mammadova J.} Strangers walk here. Tolstyaki, spies and foreigners in children's Soviet books / / Ex libris NG, 1999, N 32 (104), August.

^{Rubinstein L.} 37 In Black and white / / Weekly Magazine, May 17, 2002.

³⁸ This film was the leader in distribution, with 32.9 million viewers watching it in 1953.

³⁹ " An African fairy Tale "(1963), directed by L. Aristov, I. Nikolaev.

⁴⁰ "TASS is authorized to declare" (1984), directed by V. Fokin.

^{Bondarenko D. M., Gogueva E. A., Serov S. N., Shakhbazyan E. V.} 41 Adaptatsiya afrikantsev v Moskve: osobennosti i problemy [Adaptation of Africans in Moscow: features and problems]. 2009, N 10, pp. 43-47; N 11, pp. 38-41.

^{Krylova N.} 42 Rasizm po-russku [Russian racism]. Vremya novostei. No. 151b, October 20, 2000 - www.vremya.ru/2000/151/2/1895.html. Read on May 16, 2011.

^{O'Flynn K.} 43 Russia's Black Community // Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, 2009 - www.rferl.org/content/For_Russian_Blacks_Obama_Visit_Stirs_Special_Interest/1770531.ht ml. Read on May 14, 2011.

^{Golden L.} 44 TV project "Black Russians". Синопсис -http://www.africana.ru/Golden/info/black_russians_project_engl.htm

^{Kareithi P.} 45 Op. cit.

^{O'Flynn K.} 46 Russia's Black Community...

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