Keywords: international relations, UK Nigeria cooperation

The UK is particularly interested in developing a stable relationship with Nigeria, sub - Saharan Africa's largest oil producer and the continent's second-largest market for its products after South Africa. At present, the future of bilateral relations is in the hands of new leaders - conservative British Prime Minister David Cameron and his coalition government, on the one hand, and new Nigerian President Jonathan, on the other.

BRITISH-NIGERIAN RELATIONS UNDER TONY BLAIR

Almost all of the 1990s, the military regime of Sani Abacha was in power in Nigeria, under which civil rights activists were persecuted, corruption grew, huge sums of money were exported from the country, and the economy degraded. During this period, the country's relations with London worsened.

In 1995, Nigeria's membership in the Commonwealth was suspended. EU countries have imposed trade sanctions against the country. Nevertheless, the conservative government of D. Major (1990-1997) treated the Abacha regime quite pragmatically, promoting the preservation and development of business ties. For example, British businessmen participated in the 1992 Nigerian Economic Meeting and the Vision 2010 project, the country's economic development program.

However, after Tony Blair's government came to power on May 7, 1997, already on May 12, 1997, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Moldova, R. R. Tolkien, was appointed to the post of Prime Minister. Cook made it clear that he was in favor of new sanctions against the Abacha regime, and opposed the return of Nigeria to the Commonwealth.

Nigeria expressed dissatisfaction with these and other statements made by officials of the new British Government. In July 1997, a representative of the military regime stated that measures were being taken to implement the transition program to civilian rule and that the transfer of power to a democratically elected president would take place as scheduled on October ¹, 1998.1 The Nigerian Government reacted sharply to the position of London, which advocated strengthening sanctions against Nigeria during the Commonwealth Summit in Edinburgh in October In 1997, the Minister of Information and Culture, U. Ofonagoro, said: "The UK should compensate Nigeria for the 'exploitation' of the country, not accuse it of violating human rights. Those who colonized us cannot accuse us of violating human rights. " ²

When General Abdulsalam Abubakar came to power in Nigeria in June 1998, hopes were raised for democratic change in the country. In September 1998, the new leader made a 6-day trip to the United Kingdom, the United States and France, which marked the beginning of an improvement in the country's relations with the West. During the visit, he spoke about the government's measures to promote national reconciliation, protect human rights, promote the process of democratization and revive the economy, and called on Western countries to lift sanctions against Nigeria, which have been in force for 5 years.

years. London, Washington and Paris welcomed Abubakar's measures and agreed to a gradual lifting of sanctions as the transition plan progresses, while also promising assistance to Nigeria in implementing economic and political reforms3.

Presidential elections were held in Nigeria on 28 February 1999. The victory was won by the candidate of the People's Democratic Party, former head of state, retired General Olusegun Obasanjo, who received over 60% of the vote. The country was returning to civilian rule, which led to the normalization of relations between Nigeria and the United Kingdom. Obasanjo's inauguration ceremony was attended by Prince Charles and the Deputy Prime Minister. Minister of Foreign Affairs T. Lloyd. In the same year, the country's membership in the Commonwealth was restored. In 2000, the UK allocated 12 million ft4 to support democratic reforms in Nigeria^.

Obasanjo's State visit to London in September 2001 marked the beginning of a constructive discussion on the return of money looted by Abacha and cooperation in the fight against corruption.

In February 2002, Mr Blair visited Nigeria. It is noteworthy that on the eve of this visit, Richard Dowden, head of the Royal Society of Africa, noted that Blair, in his quest to help Africa, should avoid both excessive closeness and excessive conflicts with individual African leaders. The country's democracy is fragile, and some 3,000 people have been killed in religious and ethnic clashes since Obasanjo became president, far more than during military regimes.⁵

During the visit, Blair held talks with the President and addressed Parliament. The issue of Zimbabwe was also raised. With Zimbabwe's violent seizure of white farmers ' land, President Obasanjo acted as a mediator between London and Harare. He highly valued relations with the United Kingdom, as evidenced by his decision not to invite Mugabe to the Commonwealth summit in Abuja in December 2003. The African press focused on the fact that for the first time sanctions against Mugabe were applied by an African leader.

Nigeria and the United Kingdom also cooperated in the field of peacekeeping. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) military Observer Group, composed mainly of Nigerian soldiers, played an important role in resolving the conflict in Sierra Leone: it was these forces that entered Freetown in February 1998 to restore the regime of A. T. Kabba, overthrown by the Revolutionary United Front led by F. Sankoh.

Britain was jealous of Nigeria's activities in Sierra Leone, which was reflected in a number of statements made by British government officials.⁶ This angered many Nigerians, who, while not particularly fond of Abacha, nevertheless recognized that his assistance to Sierra Leone was not an easy task.

When General A. Abubakar and then O. Obasanjo came to power in Nigeria, tensions between Nigeria and the United Kingdom eased. However, Nigerians still had distrust of the UK, even though the British were directly involved in resolving the conflict and saved the UN Mission in Sierra Leone (INL-ONSL) from failure in May 2000. 800 British soldiers remained in the country for only a few months, while the hard work of restoring order in the country was easy. on the shoulders of many-ONSL. In March 2001, the Nigerian Minister of Defense, T. Danjuma, noted: "The British have a very well-established propaganda apparatus. They make a lot of noise and have succeeded in replacing us at the armed forces headquarters in Freetown, but they do very little. " ⁷

Under President Obasanjo, Nigeria actively participated in UN peacekeeping initiatives, sending its armed units to the continent's hot spots (Sierra Leone, Sudan). Great Britain helped her train future peacekeepers.⁸

A new balance of power in Anglo-Nigerian relations took place between 1997 and 2007. It emphasized the economic dimension, which fit well into the context of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). "Economic diplomacy" aimed at increasing foreign aid and investment, easing the debt burden, and recovering funds stolen by former military rulers has created conditions for Nigeria to emerge from economic isolation.

After the democratic elections in Nigeria in 1999 and the coming to power of O. Obasanjo, the UK's financial assistance to the country increased. So, in 2004. it amounted to $ 100 million (2003 - $50 million).⁹. In 2005 and 2006 Nigeria was a priority recipient of British official development assistance (ODA). In 2007, the amount of ODA allocated by the UK reached 143 million ft. ¹⁰ In 2007, Nigeria ranked second after South Africa in terms of attracted British investment, which amounted to 671 million ft. ¹¹

Former British investors have returned to Nigeria and new ones have emerged. The most important of these was still Shell, which was ready to increase its investment despite the growing problems in the Niger Delta.

The problem of external debt remained a source of British-Nigerian friction.

An estimated 75% of Nigeria's debt to the Paris Club came from the UK. Tony Blair's decision to declare 2005 the "Year of Africa" has undoubtedly helped in this task. The U.K. has made efforts to ease its debt and increase aid. These new approaches were developed as part of the Blair Commission for Africa (which ended its existence in 2005).

Prior to the start of the G8 summit at Gleneagles in 2005, it was announced that $18 billion would be spent on the project. of the total debt to the Paris Club of $30 billion. they will be written off with the condition that $6 billion. late payments will be paid immediately. This measure reduced the total amount of Nigerian debt by 40%, making its further servicing more acceptable. This decision was positively received by Nigeria, and Obasanjo, in his speech to the House of Commons of Great Britain on the eve of the Gleneagles summit, thanked Tony Blair for his help.

Obasanjo's reform agenda, which began to be implemented during his second term (2003-

2007), included several elements. The most noticeable developments were in the financial sector, where the banking sector was" consolidated", and statements were made about the fight against corruption. All this influenced the UK's decision to more actively support the Obasanjo government.

The Commonwealth Summit held in Abuja in 2003 strengthened Nigeria's image in the UK. For the first time since 1956, Queen Elizabeth II visited Nigeria as part of the summit.

The British Department for International Development actively supported the NEEDS ¹² (National Strategy for Economic Empowerment and Development) program proposed by the President of Nigeria in 2004, as well as the anti-corruption program of the Nigerian Financial and Economic Crimes Commission. The British Council has also expanded its activities in Nigeria, actively supporting the national Universal Primary education program.

For Blair and the Western world at large, Obasanjo was a "new generation" politician. In the West, his fight against corruption and the economic reform program proposed by former technocrats from the World Bank, some of whom he included in the government, were approved. Even the accusations that his re-election in 2003 was not without fraud failed to seriously damage Obasanjo's reputation outside the country.

According to European experts, the presidential elections in April 2007 were held with many violations. The winner was Umaru Yar'Adua, the candidate approved by Obasanjo as his successor. His victory was contested by candidates from two opposition parties. The election caused a slight cooling of Anglo-Nigerian relations, as can be seen from the following fact. Blair, who visited Abuja for a tour of West Africa in 2002 and a meeting of Commonwealth Heads of Government in 2003, deliberately bypassed Nigeria as part of his farewell tour in May 2007, which was undoubtedly due to irregularities in the recent elections there.

G. BROWN AND NIGERIA: PRAGMATIC COOPERATION

In the summer of 2007, Gordon Brown, the Blair government's finance minister, came to power in the UK. Since becoming Prime Minister, Brown has taken an important initiative in relation to Nigeria. During President Umar Yar'Adua's visit to London in July 2008, the United Kingdom and Nigeria announced that they would form a security training group to help address lawlessness in the oil - producing region of the Niger Delta. Britain also pledged to help create a "robust accounting and security system" for the transportation of petroleum products to combat oil smuggling.

One of Britain's leading experts on Africa, Richard Dowden, has pointed out that the problem of oil theft and unrest in the Niger Delta is an internal problem of Nigeria and has deep political roots. Some Nigerian businessmen from politics are behind the movements in this region and make huge profits. Until the Nigerian Government decides to deal with the real instigators and sponsors of the problems in the Niger Delta, no amount of British assistance will have the desired effect.¹³

Under Brown, Britain's foreign policy and, in particular, its African policy was largely determined by the task of overcoming the global financial crisis. In November 2008, the first G20 summit was held in Washington, D.C., to develop common measures to combat the crisis. In his speech, Mr. Brown proposed the creation of an international reserve "detachment" of volunteers ready to help countries such as Rwanda. He held talks with international creditors (IMF, WB) on increasing loans to developing countries. In March 2009, Brown held talks in London with more than 20 African leaders and ministers.

In April 2009, the G20 gathered for the 2nd summit in London. At the meeting, Brown sought reassurance that the commitments made by developed countries to Africa in Gleneagles 2005 and beyond would be respected, and called for a non-protectionist approach. Britain has taken the initiative to sell part of the IMF's gold reserves in the amount of $ 5 billion to $ 15 billion. to increase aid to African countries. Brown also made a proposal to create a new multi-million dollar city under the auspices of the World Bank.-

Liard Fund for Rapid Response to Social upheaval, announcing the UK's readiness to contribute 200 million ft. st. This initiative will be developed.

The UK participated in aid efforts for Africa at the G8 summits in Toyako, Japan, in 2008 and L'Aquila, Italy, in 2009, as well as at the next G20 summit in Pittsburgh in September 2009.

In Japan, Mr. Brown supported the initiative to ensure food security in the world and in Africa in particular. At the time of the Tokyo summit, the UK was the largest donor to the African Development Bank. London has set a target of allocating 500 million ft. each year to education in Africa. In Italy, Mr Brown announced that Britain would contribute $1.8 billion to the $ 20 billion Food Security Fund, set up in April 2010 to feed the world's estimated one billion hungry people.¹⁴

In July of this year, former Prime Minister G. Brown spoke in Kampala (Uganda) at a meeting with political figures of the country. He expressed his conviction that the future growth of the world economy is closely linked to the development of the African continent, and said that he would like this century to become the "century of Africa". In his speech, he touched upon three main topics. First, protectionism and the protection of narrow national interests is a road to nowhere, and the world needs to create a truly global economy. Second, Africa should not only benefit from the creation of a global economy and society, but should be one of the most important driving and inspiring forces in their creation. Third, it is now necessary to deepen development, building on the achievements of the previous decade, moving from the traditional donor-recipient relationship to the model of joint investment of developed and developing countries in a common future.¹⁵ Aid from developed countries should focus less on getting out of poverty than on creating new businesses and generating wealth. According to Brown, the expansion of Internet access via broadband networks will help African entrepreneurs - in Africa, only 1% of the population has it so far.

Labour governments have made efforts to ensure socially responsible behavior for British businesses in Nigeria. British researcher Tom Porteos has noted that even during the military dictatorship in the 1990s, British companies maintained or increased their investment in the country. Even unheard-of corruption did not prevent British businessmen from making deals and making profits. International non-governmental organizations such as Transparency International, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and Global Witness have documented clear links between the behavior of large British corporations and poor governance, human rights violations, and violent conflicts. In particular, there was evidence that in the Niger Delta, policies implemented by oil companies (and Shell in particular) exacerbated inter-ethnic conflict and fueled corruption in local and national government structures.¹⁶ The Labour Government could not ignore these proven cases. It has therefore encouraged the introduction and application by British companies in African countries, albeit mostly on a voluntary basis, of initiatives such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, the OECD Framework for Multinational Corporations, the Ethical Trade Initiative and the UN Global Pact.¹⁷

However, according to the scientist, "new Labour" has never shown much enthusiasm in adopting such regulatory measures that would actually prevent large British companies from intensively exploiting African natural resources.

Summing up the above, it should be recognized that the Nigerian-British relations at the beginning of the XXI century illustrate many features of relations between the West and Africa as a whole. Author of Sharp Turns and Setbacks: Nigerian-British Relations, researcher Kaye Whiteman notes that there have always been and will always be "undercurrents" of suspicion and resentment stemming from the colonial past, but there is also an acceptance that this relationship has largely shaped the face of modern Nigeria.. This past and relationship cannot be abandoned, he writes, illustrating the point of view of many Nigerians, so it should at least be used to achieve positive goals.¹⁸

The Nigerian authorities often play on the post - colonial sense of guilt of the former metropolis, pursuing their own interests, and have a dual image: one for "internal use", the other for the outside world. The West is ready to turn a blind eye to the same violations of the authorities where it is profitable, and stigmatize them in other countries of the continent. Western politicians still maintain the same paternalistic approach to Africa, which gives rise to a new round of aggravation of old problems that still require a final solution.

Under T. Blair and G. Brown, Africa has become one of the priorities of New Labour's foreign policy, albeit largely at the level of rhetoric. They drew the attention of the developed countries of the West to the problems of the continent (although they are not the only ones who deserve this credit). When Obasanjo came to power in Nigeria in 1999, the United Kingdom welcomed the country's return to civilian rule. Obasanjo fit the image of a leader that Tony Blair sought to promote in Africa. Blair's support for NEPAD in 2001 was a testament to the dynamic relationship. The Blair Government, during its decade in power, has shown an active interest in addressing the continent's problems at the international level. Many projects were also implemented at the level of individual African countries and regions.

communities, as exemplified by Nigeria. The strategy of assistance to Africa was revised, and more attention was paid to social problems, poverty reduction, and environmental issues. However, Blair's African policy was ambivalent, too ideologized. British aid to African countries was often accompanied by demands for greater democratization, economic liberalization, and respect for human rights.

During Brown's premiership, London's interaction with African countries was more focused on economic issues, development and environmental issues, as well as conflict resolution. Relations with Nigeria under G. Brown and U. Yar'Adua developed quite smoothly, since they were largely determined by the UK's interest in creating favorable conditions for business in this country.

* * *

Historically, it so coincided that power in Nigeria and Great Britain changed almost simultaneously. On May 5, 2010, Nigerian President Umaru Yar'Adua died, and on May 6, 2010, former Vice President Goodluck Jonathan became the head of this African state. Both the United Kingdom and the United States supported his candidacy. ¹⁹ On May 11, 2010, David Cameron became the new Conservative Prime Minister of Great Britain, leading a coalition government with the Liberal Democrats.

In early July 2010, the Nigerian Ambassador to London, D. Tafida, speaking at the forum "Opportunities for Nigeria 2010", sharply reproached the UK for being indifferent to the fate of Nigeria, which is wrong in light of the fact that the Nigerian market is growing, and other economic giants are showing growing interest in it. However, most financial experts countered that to get more help from international financial institutions and investors, Nigeria should first "get its house in order."

Tafida, in a key speech at the event, recalled that the late President of Nigeria, U. Yar'Adua, during his visit to London in 2008, described the United Kingdom as Nigeria's most welcome trading partner. However, the Nigerian diplomat complained, the British government has since done virtually nothing to strengthen economic relations between the two countries, and has not encouraged its businessmen to actively invest in Nigeria. He compared the relationship between the UK and Nigeria to that of a mother who has abandoned her child to the mercy of strangers. With this attitude of the former metropolis, Tafida said, it is not surprising that Nigeria has to work increasingly closely with China "to avoid starvation." ²⁰ He noted that foreign investors should not be afraid of instability in the run-up to or after new elections.

Meanwhile, Baroness Linda Cholker, who headed the Overseas Development Administration (the predecessor of the current Department for International Development) and visited Nigeria for many years, said that without good governance, the country should not seriously expect new investments. And according to E. Mccordick, managing director of Cordiant Capital, a company that previously worked in Nigeria, the country has not yet felt the need to improve its own international image, and it is high time for Lagos to understand that Nigeria has many competitors in today's global world.²¹

Nevertheless, the words of the Nigerian ambassador, in our opinion, sound like a warning to David Cameron about the need to pay close attention to the needs of developing Nigeria in order to maintain fruitful cooperation with this important African partner for the British.

As for the very essence of British policy towards Africa in general and Nigeria in particular, it does not change much with the change of parties at the helm of power, and its main priorities remain to make more profit from cooperation and prevent the possible consequences of African crises for its own country.

¹ ITAR-TASS. Pulse of the planet, 3.07.1997. AF. Sheet 3.

² ITAR-TASS. Pulse of the planet, 9.11.1997. AF. Sheet 2.

³ ITAR-TASS. Pulse of the planet. 29.09.1998. AF. Sheet 2.

^{Prokopenko L.} 4 Nigeria. Krugosvet Encyclopedia - www.krugosvet.ru/arti-cles/125/1012594/1012594a3.htm

^{Dowden R.} 5 Blair's mission possible // The Observer. February 3, 2002 www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2002/feb/03/foreignpolicy.labour

^{Whiteman K.} 6 The Switchback and the fallback. Nigeria-Britain relations. P. 274; Gulliver's Troubles: Nigeria's foreign policy after the Cold War. Scottsville: University of KwaZulu Natal Press, 2008. P. 269.

⁷ Gulliver's Troubles... P. 270.

⁸ ITAR-TASS. Pulse of the Planet, 4.12.2006. AF. Sheet 4.

⁹ ITAR-TASS. Pulse of the planet, 17.11.2004. AF. Sheet 9.

¹⁰ Statistics on International Development, 2003/04 - 2007/08. P. 30 - www.dfid.gov.uk/Documents/aboutdfid/sid2008/FINAL-printes-SID-2008.pdf

¹¹ Foreign direct investment 2007. Office for National Statistics. First Release. Appendix 1. Sources: ONS Foreign Direct Investment Surveys; Bank of England - www.statistics.gov.uk

¹² National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy.

^{Dowden R.} 13 Fuel for the opponents of neo-colonialism - http://www.independent, co.uk/opinion/commentators/richard-dow-den-fuel-for-the-opponents-of-neocolonialis m-865037.html

^{Elliott L., Wintour P.} 14 Gordon Brown in his element at G8 summit as Tories face the heat. July 10, 2009 - www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/jul/10/gordon-brown-g8-sum-mit-climate

¹⁵ Speech by the Right Hon. Gordon Brown MP to African leaders. Kampala, July 24, 2010 - www.gordonbrown.org.uk/gordon-brown-addresses-african-leaders; Brown says global economy reliant upon growth in Africa - http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-10750077

^{Porteous T.} 16 Britain in Africa. 2008. P. 46 - 47.

¹⁷ Ibidem.

^{Whiteman K.} 18 Op.cit. P. 255.

^{Onuah F.} 19 U.S., Britain back Nigeria's acting leader. February 26, 2010 http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE61P53I20100226

^{Akinadewo G.} 20 Tafida accuses Britain of abandoning Nigeria. July 2, 2010 www.compassnewspaper.com/NG/index.php?option-comcontent&view-article&id-62 283:tafida-accuses-britain-of-abandoning-nigeria&catid=672:top-stories&Itemid=794

²¹ Ibidem.

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