T. P. Kn. 1. Put ' k obnovleniyu [Path to renewal], Moscow: Gumanitarii, 2007, 455 p.

The reviewed monograph is an integral part of the author's fundamental research under the general title " Jihad without War. The Tunisian Experience of Modernization and the Political legacy of Habib Bourguiba (1903-2000)", the first volume of which was published in 2005.1

What is the most interesting aspect of this experience? The answer to this question is largely predetermined by the fact that Tunisia, a former protectorate of France (1881-1956), was one of the few countries in the Muslim East where the formation of a sovereign state did not involve prolonged bloody wars with the mother country, where the transition from a monarchical form of government to a republican one was quite peaceful, where that "crisis" was overcome. modernization", which made itself felt by the outbreak of Islamism with its claims to "revive" the state-legal foundations and way of life of the time of the Prophet Muhammad. Finally, being

1 Rec. R. G. Landy see: Vostok (Oriens). 2005. N 5.

page 188

as close as possible to modern global standards in terms of the structure of the organization of the political system, Tunisia is moving relatively steadily towards the formation of a modern nation "from the dust and sand of the old society with its local levels of loyalty (the individual's belonging to disparate large-family, neighborly and clan communities of the patriarchal type)" (2005, vol. I. book 1, p. 13)..

The monograph under review focuses on the analysis of two parallel processes: the construction of the Tunisian national state and the struggle for strengthening its external sovereignty in 1956-1963. However, the theoretical range of this work is much wider than that which could be expected based on the problems of the research specified by the author. And not only because the events that took place in Tunisia are considered in direct connection with the situation in other countries of the Arab world. Numerous and very detailed excursions into the history of the struggle of Algeria, Morocco, Egypt, Syria and other states for sovereign statehood are given against the background of diplomatic battles that were connected both with the rivalry of the colonial powers with their policies towards national liberation movements, and with the support of these movements from the Soviet Union, etc.

M. V. Vidyasova's professional skill is impressive, as she leads the reader to a deep understanding and wide-scale perception of the processes of world development, which are complicated not only by the internal heterogeneity and unsynchronization of events, but also by the fact that individual participants in these processes - countries and even regions-show different degrees of readiness for constructive use of their internal spiritual, cultural and material resources, and generally significant achievements of modern civilization. At the same time, the Tunisian specifics are characterized in such a way that they highlight not always visible from the outside and far from unusual manifestations of common patterns and dilemmas for the entire Afro-Asian world. All this became possible thanks to the implementation of the methodology of a multi-factor, system-integrated approach to the problems of the Muslim East, i.e., due to the fact that the consideration of local events excluded their unilateral assessment by the parameters of the achievements of the industrialized countries of the West. It took into account how these events were evaluated by their direct participants, who were committed to the traditional Muslim political culture or were objectively forced to take into account its requirements. 2
Addressing the problem of the role of a political leader in modernizing the state and legal system, which is very relevant for many Afro-Asian states, M. F. Vidyasova focused on the activities of Habib Bourguiba, who is rightfully on a par with such outstanding state leaders of the East as Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Sukarno etc. The analysis of Bourguiba's activities logically continues the previous account of his political biography as the first president of the Tunisian Republic (1957-1987), which describes the stages of his ascent to the leadership of the national liberation movement. The author highlights the personal characteristics that allowed Bourguiba to create and lead a New Dostur-a party that he "made an instrument of the liberation struggle, as well as a kind of "school of modernization of society", moreover, an "instrument" that worked even in the course of the struggle for independence, without cutting off the positive things that were introduced by the objective process of colonial modernization"(2005, vol. I, book 2, p. 432).

This monograph contains a detailed and well-reasoned answer to the question that is still relevant for most Afro-Asian countries: what are the main components of building a modern state in conditions of unpreparedness of the majority of the population for democratic transformations? M. F. Vidyasova's analysis of the Tunisian experience provides convincing evidence of how important it is for the ruling regimes to take into account the inertial commitment of the majority of their compatriots to outdated ideas and stagnant traditions of the Muslim Middle Ages; to combine modern (secular) and traditional (religious) ways of political mobilization of the masses; to combine appeals to Islamic traditions and symbols with their reformist-renovationist-

2 For the theoretical justification of this approach and the need for appropriate categorical and terminological adjustments, see, for example: [Danilov, 1999, p. 6-16; Ignatenko, 2004, p. 11-37; Malashenko, 2004, p. 34; Moskalenko, 2005, p. 386].

page 189

interpretation in the interests of a radical transformation of the mass consciousness and way of life in the spirit of the requirements of the time.

It is clear from the reviewed monograph that all these components of Habib Bourguiba's policy significantly contributed to the stability and sustainability of the construction of the new Tunis led by him. With the example of Ataturk before him, the first Tunisian president considered it necessary to avoid excessive rigidity of the "draconian measures" of his predecessor to accelerate the modernization of the state and society.

It is unlikely that this would have happened if by the time Tunisia gained independence, Bourguibism's arsenal included not only a large, mass party with 20 years of experience, which formed a powerful coalition of workers organized in trade unions, employees, intellectuals, merchants, farmers, etc. Bourguiba himself had the highly respected title of a Great Wrestler among Muslims (al-Mujahid al-akbar).e. a leading participant in jihad ("holy war in the name of Islam"). Such was the national recognition of his services in leading the national liberation struggle and a testament to the popularity gained in the battle for the defense of Tunisian national and cultural identity, which he won from the sheikhs of the University of al-Zeitoun, one of the oldest centers of Islamic scholarship. In the latter case, we are talking about a far from ordinary act for Bourguiba as a lawyer (a graduate of the Sorbonne): during the mass unrest that took place around the burial of Tunisians with French citizenship in Muslim cemeteries, unlike the sheikhs, who represented the highest stratum of Tunisian Ulema theologians, he resolutely took the side of opponents of such burials. However, this speech was not motivated by religious motivation, but by a protest against the attempts of the colonial administration to divide the Tunisian people, as well as resistance to actions that would eventually lead to the loss of the country's "Tunisian face".

Considering it dangerous to "run ahead" with democracy in an unprepared society, Habib Bourguiba was not an exception to those leaders of Afro-Asian countries who followed the path of establishing an authoritarian regime. But in 1956-1959, the Tunisian leader had no equal in strategy and skill in psychologically preparing his compatriots for secularist reforms. He began with measures designed to convince the people that the new authorities had no intentions whatsoever towards Islam. So, immediately after the declaration of independence, the government launched an anti-alcohol campaign, in the draft constitution that was being developed: "Tunisia is a free, independent and sovereign state, its religion is Islam." Like Ataturk, Bourguiba "raised the question of popular sovereignty", although he met objections from those involved in the development of the constitutional project, who insisted on a monarchical form of government.

Since May 1, 1956, Habib Bourguiba has made it a rule to make weekly speeches, explaining to the people the most important government decisions, and at the same time encouraging them to a new worldview. Bourguiba based his conceptual approach to religion, as emphasized in the monograph under consideration, on the teachings of Muslim reformers in that part where they, especially Muhammad Abdo (1849-1905), discussed the greatness of the human mind and the knowability of the world, and taqlid (following the religious authorities of the Muslim Middle Ages) was contrasted with ijtihad (lit.: "diligence", "diligence of the mind") in the independent comprehension of questions of faith. Along with the calls to overcome submission to fate, forget the superstitions inherited from the past, change the traditional way of life, reduce the birth rate, treat children's upbringing in a new way, people were asked to appreciate earthly existence and comprehend the science of "enjoying life", realizing that without free thought there is no freedom. Speaking, as a rule, on Thursdays, i.e. on the eve of Friday prayers, Bourguiba quite reasonably expected that his judgments would influence the conversation in the mosque. In addition to all this, his voice was also heard in Arab coffee shops, where old people and young people gathered at the radio, then this voice entered almost every house and every family.

Bourguiba also followed the course of the Muslim reformers when he launched an offensive against the positions of religious and traditional conservatism, which were jealously guarded by the ulama and other Muslim clerics. The significance of such an offensive cannot be overestimated if we take into account that "it is the clergy who formulates and instills in the minds of believers the prescriptions of religious doctrine as a religious worldview and value-normative complex", it is they who translate the statics of religious dogma into the dynamics of behavior of believers [Levin, 2005, p. 30].

page 190

Already in April 1956, at the initiative of the authorities, a new rector of al-Zeitouna was appointed, and the Ministry of Justice made personal changes in the composition of Sharia colleges. In principle, "all this corresponded to the mood of Bourguiba," who considered the Tunisian Ulema corps to be doctrinaires and " carriers of backward, stagnant thinking." Therefore, "the adjective kadym acquired an unambiguously negative connotation in the political lexicon of the Tunisian leader" (2005, vol. II, book 1, p. 57).

On May 31, 1956, the first challenge was made to the official servants of Islam: a special decree initiated the liquidation of waqf (habus) property, the income from which played an important role in the material support of the Muslim clergy. In the summer of 1956, judicial reform began, and by the fall of the following year, Sharia and mixed courts were abolished, and a unified state (secular) judicial system was created. At the same time, the family law reform was carried out. Habib Bourguiba " showed the political will to carry out the plans hatched by the first Tunisian feminist Tahar al-Haddad, author of the book "Women in Sharia and our Society", ostracized during his lifetime by the sheikhs of al-Zeitoun, considered a heretic by them and not at all approved for tactical reasons by the initiative group of the creators of the New Dustur (2005, vol. II, book 1, p. 49).

Drawing on the powerful resource of personal popularity and national recognition, Habib Bourguiba published the Law on Personal Status on August 13, 1956. According to this act, early marriages were prohibited, mutual consent of future spouses was required, talaq (divorce solely on the initiative of the spouse), as well as polygamy, which was equated with a criminal offense, judicial divorce procedure, mandatory state registration of marriage, etc. were abolished. In a word, the foundations were laid for freeing a Muslim woman from the Sharia norms that kept her in a low position in the family.

M. F. Vidyasova did not miss two important evidences that the legislator did not fail to take care of the safety net of his undertaking, which was unprecedented in his country, where, unlike the reformers in Egypt, for example, he could not count on mass support in the form of the women's movement. So, being a Republican at heart and a student of French encyclopedists, Habib Bourguiba initiated the adoption of the Law on Personal Status just when the country was under the monarchical power, traditionally surrounded in Islam by a halo of blessing from above. The decree on the introduction of this act opened with a preamble beginning with the words " Praise the Lord! We, Mohammed Lamine, Pasha Bey, Ruler of the Kingdom of Tunis... "and ended with the phrase" at the suggestion of our Prime Minister and the Chairman of the Council of Government, we adopted the following decree"; at the bottom was the signature of one Habib Bourguiba (2005, vol. II, book 1, p. 61). In addition, the law was not "copied from European models, but was a revised set of sharia rules and even received the approval of some Ulama during its publication" (2005, vol. II, book 1, p.60).

As shown in the monograph, the Law on Personal Status gave rise to subsequent government measures to improve the social status of women and form a "new family" as the primary unit of society based on equality of civil and political rights of men and women.

M. F. Vidyasova should be credited with clarifying a very complex, practically unexplored phenomenon: the transfer of the Tunisian state-legal structure to secular foundations and the legitimization of this process in the eyes of the traditionally minded masses. In this regard, the author's analysis of Habib Bourguiba's thesis on "small and great jihad" is of particular interest. Both terms, writes M. F. Vidyasova, " meant not war at all (in Arabic, the main word for it is harb), but struggle, including the efforts made by the participants of the national liberation, anti-colonial movement ("small jihad"), and creative activities aimed at raising the prosperity and modernization of the Tunisian people." societies and States ("The Great Jihad") " (2005, vol. II, book 1, p. 397). In the mouth of Bourguiba himself, the call to jihad served as a mobilizing slogan, consistently directed to the struggle for the sake of solving the next tasks of building a New Tunis. Starting the "great" or " big "jihad, M. F. Vidyasova noted, he" chose not laicism tested in Turkey, but his own model of secularization "within the Islamic framework", tirelessly campaigning for "Islam of free thought", "Islam of freedom of conscience","rational Islam"... Acting in line with tradition, he filled it with new content" (2005, vol. II, book 1, p. 412).

page 191

In an essay devoted to the so-called Bizert crisis, M. F. Vidyasova noted how harmful a tribute to the traditional religious sentiments of the masses can be, even if forced, on the part of a state leader of such rank as Habib Bourguiba. We are talking about the fact that he became a hostage to the idea of a deliberately invincible war in the name of eliminating the last "fragment of the colonial era" on Tunisian soil (the French military base in Bizerte) in a situation when he began to feel an increase in resistance from below to his secular reforms and a decrease in the strength of his own charisma. It is also true that for many reasons, the negotiations between de Gaulle and Habib Bourguiba regarding the evacuation of the base were a "dialogue of the deaf". This essay is particularly interesting for the reader also because it is based on extensive memoir literature and documentary sources, many of which were first introduced into scientific circulation. Such are, for example, the materials of the Tunisian Fund No. 563 of the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation. It contains a recording of a conversation between A. A. Gromyko and Tunisian Foreign Minister S. Moqaddem (August 1961). This article sheds light on such a little-studied issue as the specifics of the development of Soviet-Tunisian relations during the Cold War era.

In conclusion, we should note the advantage of this monograph, which is important for modern needs: the possession of an undoubted literary gift, coupled with the deep knowledge of a highly professional political scientist-Arabist, allowed M. F. Vidyasova to create a full-blooded, multi-plot and dynamic picture of the modern political life of Tunisia. What is equally important, the Russian reading public has had the opportunity to learn the art of distinguishing between outwardly formal and essentially deep phenomena of this existence and the political culture of the Muslim East as a whole, to see the subtext of much that is said, but which is often kept silent due to the eastern cultural tradition.

list of literature

Danilov V. I. Essay on democracy // Evolution of Political Systems in the East (Iran, Pakistan, Turkey: traditions and Democratization), Moscow, 1999.
Ignatenko A. A. To study the camel, not the "Ship of the Desert" / / Islam in the Modern East, Moscow, 2004.
Levin Z. I. Reforma v islame [Reform in Islam]. To be or not to be?: experience of system and sociocultural research, Moscow, 2005.
Malashenko A. Demokratiya sredne islama [Democracy in the middle of Islam]. Trudosti perekhoda: demokratiya v Rossii [Difficulties of Transition: Democracy in Russia].
Moskalenko V. N. Pakistan. Islam i obshchestvennoe razvitie v nachale XXI veka [Political Islam or Islam in politics]. Moscow, 2005.

Permanent link to this publication: