The article examines the features of the combination of security and development factors in Israel's African policy, the history and current state of the Israeli foreign aid program, in which the African continent has always occupied a special position. By providing assistance to African countries (primarily through the Agency for the Development of International Cooperation under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Israel - MASHAV), the Israeli Government set itself political, geostrategic and economic goals. Israel provides large-scale military assistance to Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), supporting their efforts in the fight against terrorism, and implements numerous development projects in them. The nature of Israel's interaction with key African states is revealed by the example of Israeli-Nigerian relations.

Key words: Israel, Nigeria, foreign aid, security, development, MASHAV.

IMPERATIVES OF SECURITY AND DEVELOPMENT IN ISRAEL'S ASSISTANCE TO SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA

Luza R. KHLEBNIKOVA

This paper examines linkages between security and development imperatives in the State of Israel's policies towards Sub-Saharan Africa. It studies the history and current state of the Israeli foreign assistance program which has long been focused on Africa. The government of Israel provided aid to African states (predominantly through MASHAV - Israel's Agency for International Development Cooperation) out of political, geostrategic, economic, and humanitarian considerations. In the twenty first century Israel has become increasingly concerned about the expansion of the Iranian influence across the continent. Today Israel simultaneously provides substantial amount of military and security assistance to the countries of Sub-Saharan Africa supporting their counter-terrorism efforts and implements numerous development projects in the region. The paper unveils the substance of the current Israel's approach towards pivotal African states with the example of her relations with Nigeria.

Keywords: Israel, Sub-Saharan Africa, foreign aid, security, development, MASHAV.

The African continent plays an important role in Israel's foreign policy. In February 2016, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said at a Knesset meeting: "Israel is coming back to Africa, Africa is coming back to Israel "[PM Netanyahu attends...]. Netanyahu stressed that Israel can successfully cooperate with representatives of the African continent in two key areas-the fight against terrorism and the promotion of international development, which According to Netanyahu, they are interrelated. Israeli-Nigerian relations stand out against this background,

KHLEBNIKOVA Luiza Romanovna-Lecturer at the Faculty of World Politics, Lomonosov Moscow State University, Employee of the Center for Security and Development Problems of the MSU Faculty of International Relations, lkhlebnikova@fmp.msu.ru.

Luiza KHLEBNIKOVA - Lecturer, School of World Politics, Lomonosov Moscow State University; Research Fellow, Center for Security and Development Studies, School of World Politics, Lomonosov Moscow State University, lkhlebnikova@fmp.msu.ru.

The research was carried out in accordance with grant No. 15-18-30066 of the Russian Science Foundation "Evolution of approaches of leading subjects of international relations to the problems of interdependence of security and development in the context of transformation of the world political system: analysis and forecast".

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actively developing in recent years. The core of these relations is the fight against terrorism.

Israel has a special position in global aid flows. On the one hand, the Jewish state is still one of the world's largest recipients of aid, for example, from the United States, reaching $ 3 billion a year [Degterev and Stepkin, 2013; Khlebnikova, 2014]. On the other hand, as a member of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), international financial institutions (IFIs), and specialized agencies and UN funds, Israel acts as a donor, providing military and non-military assistance to other countries. In the decades since the creation of MASHAV in 1958, about 270 thousand people in 140 countries, including those that do not maintain diplomatic relations with Tel Aviv, have become beneficiaries of Israeli aid programs [Hadas-Handelsman, 2015, p. 61].

This aspect of Israel's foreign policy activities has not been sufficiently studied by Russian Orientalists, although this topic is important in connection with the intensification of global efforts in the fight against terrorism. In the first part of the article, an excursion is made into the history of Israel's relations with African countries; in the second, the main strategic, political and economic imperatives of Israel's activation on the Black Continent at the beginning of the XXI century are outlined; in the third, the Israeli policy towards the largest African country, Nigeria, is considered, where the combination of security and development imperatives

ISRAEL AND AFRICA: THE ORIGINS OF COOPERATION

The beginning of the formation of the Jewish state's policy in the field of providing assistance to developing countries dates back to the late 1950s, when the Agency for the Development of International Cooperation under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Israel (MASHAV) was established, whose main activity was the African continent, primarily the SSA countries. The first of the Israeli politicians who opened the "path to Africa" for the Jewish state was the Minister of Foreign Affairs (1956-1966), and later the Prime Minister of Israel (1969-1974) Golda Meir. In 1958, on a tour of Africa, she visited Liberia, Nigeria, Senegal, Ghana, and the Ivory Coast (now Ivory Coast). The first African country with which Israel established diplomatic relations was Ghana, and the Israeli leadership provided it with a loan of $ 20 million [Ojo, 1988, p. 22]. According to J. R. R. Tolkien: According to Peters, every State that had diplomatic relations with Israel benefited materially from this [Peters, 1992, p. 4]. By the early 1970s, Israel had established diplomatic relations with 33 countries on the continent.

By expanding contacts with Africa, the Israeli leadership pursued certain goals. Thus, the" founding father " of Israel, David Ben-Gurion, pointed out the need to find friends in African countries [Meir, 1997, p. 384; Bar-Zohar, 1977, p.263]. When discussing aid issues, Israeli politicians often turned to the Jewish ideology of Tikkun Olam (Hebrew: "correcting the world"), which, according to Golda Meir, has always been the core of both Judaism and socialist Zionism - the foundation of the State of Israel. In her memoirs, Meir wrote:: "We were united with the Africans not only by the need for rapid development, but also by the memory of centuries of suffering "[Meir, 1997, pp. 386-387]. Jews and Africans were united by the desire to overcome xenophobia and free themselves from colonial oppression. The Israeli leadership, especially during the period when the post of Foreign Minister was held by G. Meir, used the idea of similar destinies of peoples to get closer to African governments. It should be noted that unlike the global powers, which, by providing assistance to African countries, imposed certain ideological attitudes on them, Israel in this sense did not cause rejection among Africans. In front of,

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For Africa, the Israeli model was attractive because, by becoming an independent State, the Jewish State set an example of rapid and efficient development.

Israel also sought to gain economic benefits from developing relations with African states, trying to diversify trade ties as much as possible in the face of unresolved contradictions with its closest neighbors and the Arab world as a whole. Although Africa was not the main market for Israeli goods, the volume of supplies to the continent gradually increased (from $ 27.7 million in 1968 to $ 45.1 million in 1972) [Burman, 1974, p. 548]. Israel exported food, clothing, medical supplies, electrical appliances, etc. to Africa [Peters, 1992, p. 1], and imported precious stones (diamonds from South Africa, the Central African Republic (CAR), and Zaire), uranium (from Gabon and Zaire), and beef (from Ethiopia and Kenya). In the 1960s and 1970s, Israel's largest trading partners in Africa were South Africa, Nigeria, Zambia, and Ethiopia [Israel Out of Africa..., 1973, p. 16-18].

In its relations with African countries, the Israeli leadership pursued certain political goals. The American researcher A. Jacob claimed that in the 1960s, Israel's aid to the continent had exclusively political motives [Jacob, 1971, p. 172]. It is known that in some African states at that time, persons who had received military training in Israel came to power, for example, the President of Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo - DRC) Mobutu Sese Seko [Ibid.].

The Israeli leadership hoped that the African rulers would pursue a foreign policy that took into account the interests of the Jewish state. Moreover, it sought to enlist the support of African States in the UN. It was extremely important for Israel to overcome the isolation it was in due to the Arab-Israeli conflict. African States made up a significant part of the UN membership, and the outcome of voting on numerous anti-Israel resolutions largely depended on their position.

Finally, Israel was also guided by geostrategic interests. In the late 1950s, Ben-Gurion's Government began to develop closer cooperation with Ethiopia, extending its "peripheral alliance" policy to include the Muslim countries of Turkey and Iran. In 1966, Foreign Minister Shimon Peres stated that it was extremely important for Israeli foreign policy to turn Ethiopia into a strong regional power that could become an opponent of Egypt [Brecher, 1972, p. 343].

To understand how Israel's relations with African States developed, we should roughly divide them into four stages.

The first, "golden" phase (1957-1973) is characterized by an active expansion of Israeli-African contacts, which positively affected the development of the Israeli aid program as a whole. As early as the early 1960s, official Israeli documents showed the Government's interest in using foreign aid as an important tool of foreign policy. Thus, an official document of 1964 states that the purpose of the foreign aid program is to serve the foreign policy interests of Israel. Moreover, it emphasizes that "every State that respects itself will contribute to international development." In the mid-1960s, MASHAV spent 60% of its budget (about $ 6 million) on aid to African countries (Levey, 2004, p. 80). By the end of 1972, there were 63 Israeli development assistance programs in Africa, including in key areas such as medicine and agriculture [Burman, 1974, p. 548].

Africans showed particular interest in the Israeli youth programs "Gadna "(Hebrew: "youth brigade") and "Nahal" (Hebrew: "fighting young pioneers"). Russian orientalist I. D. Zvyagelskaya notes that Israel has applied

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experience, for example, the creation of kibbutzim in African conditions [Zvyagelskaya, 2012, p. 144]. These programs included the transfer of agricultural skills to young people and military training. In addition, young people were involved in other areas of activity. Gadna and Nahal operated in 17 African countries (Jacob, 1971, p. 166). One of the successful examples of the implementation of the Gadna program was the formation of the National Youth Service in Kenya [Republic of Kenya, 2009, p. 32].

In building development relations, Israel was interested in establishing military contacts with African States; the Ministry of Defense was responsible for this area. The Jewish State provided direct military assistance (mainly through the organization of training programs for officers of the armed forces and police of recipient countries) to Ethiopia, 1 Ghana, Kenya, the Congo, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Uganda, Dahomey (since 1975 - Benin), the Malagasy Republic (since 1975-the Democratic Republic of Madagascar) and the Republic of Upper Volta (since 1984 - Burkina Faso) [Jacob, 1971, p. 165]. We should not forget about the work of Israel's political intelligence service, the Mossad, which was active in Uganda, Kenya, Ethiopia, Tanzania, and Zambia [Ibid., p. 178]. The Mossad did not just share information with the African intelligence services, but also engaged in their training.

Despite active cooperation in various spheres at the first stage, the political realities of that time (primarily the Arab-Israeli confrontation) negatively affected Israeli-African relations. Israel's relations with African States also depended on the African political situation. Israeli-Ugandan relations were particularly unstable. If Ugandan President Milton Obote (1966-1971), who was friendly towards Israel, accepted various, including military, assistance from it, then in the early 1970s Israeli-Ugandan contacts abruptly stopped, as the new Ugandan leader Idi Amin (1971-1979), who came to power with the support of Great Britain, came to power Israel, which at first maintained close relations with the Israeli leadership, soon began to pursue an extremely anti-Israeli policy [Carol, 2012, p. 383] due to Tel Aviv's refusal to provide financial and military assistance to the Ugandan "dictator", which forced him to turn to the Arab states [Oded, 2006].

The second phase of relations between Israel and Africa (1973-1980) was marked by a sharp reduction in contacts between the two sides. After the Yom Kippur War (1973), which began with the attacks of Egypt and Syria on Israel, many African governments, thereby showing support for the Arabs, broke off relations with the Jewish state. The words of the President of Cote d'Ivoire F. are well known. Houphouet-Boigny says that he was forced to choose between Arab "brothers" and Israeli "friends" (Meir, 1997, p. 392). As L. P. Frank rightly points out, Israel's further exclusion from Africa occurred in connection with the support of a number of countries on the continent of Resolution No. 3379, adopted at the UN General Assembly in 1975, in which Zionism was equated with racism [Frank, 1988, p. 152]. It should be noted, however, that some African States (Ivory Coast, Liberia, Malawi) opposed the adoption of this resolution or abstained from voting (Ethiopia, Ghana, Zaire, Zambia, Upper Volta, Gabon, Kenya). Nevertheless, in the early 1970s, Israel's relations with most African States were damaged.

The Israeli leadership has taken a painful view of the loss of partnership relations with African states. Some experts, for example, the head of the Israeli non-governmental organization IsraAID, Sh. Zahavi, noted that due to

1 In 1963, the only Israeli military attache in Africa worked in Addis Ababa. In 1970, the number of the Israeli military mission in Ethiopia reached 200 people.

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"betrayals" of Africans in the 1970s. The Israeli aid program lost domestic support [Inbal and Zahavi, 2009, p. 9]. Whereas in 1969, Meir's election campaign still included an item on the need to provide assistance to developing countries, after 1973 this issue disappeared from the political agenda. In the 1970s, the budget of MASHAV began to decline rapidly (by more than 50%) [Ibid., p. 42]. The conclusion of a peace treaty between Egypt and Israel in 1979 did not automatically restore relations between the Jewish State and African countries.

The third phase of Israeli-African relations (1980-1990-ies) is characterized by a lower level of ambition in the development of intergovernmental contacts compared to the "golden period" of the 1950s and 1960s. Thanks to the active work of Israeli diplomats, many African states (DRC, Liberia, Cameroon, Togo, Kenya, Central African Republic, Ivory Coast) restored diplomatic relations with Israel in the mid-1980s. Contacts in both the security and development spheres gradually developed. As early as 1984, about 4,000 Israeli experts were working on the continent [Africa in World Politics, 1987, p. 191]. Despite the warming of Israeli-African relations, MASHAV's annual budget did not exceed 0.04% of Israel's GDP at that time. In the mid-1980s, 90% of MASHAV's activities were financed by "third parties" - international organizations (for example, the UN), the United States, Germany, and the Netherlands [Inbal and Zahavi, 2009, p. 10]. Moreover, MASHAV has focused more on Latin America.

CURRENT COOPERATION PARAMETERS

The starting point of the fourth phase of Israeli-African relations is the tragedy of September 11, 2001, after which the United States declared war on global terrorism. The task of jointly countering this threat has intensified Israel's military contacts with African States, primarily through the sale of weapons and military equipment.

The main importers of Israeli weapons from 2006 to 2010 were Cameroon, Chad, Equatorial Guinea, Lesotho, Rwanda, South Africa, Nigeria, and Uganda [Wezeman et al., 2011, p. 3]. In 4 years-from 2009 to 2013-the volume of deliveries tripled: from 71 to 223 million tons. USD [Berman, 2013]. The experience of the Jewish state, especially its success in the production of military equipment, is of great interest to African states. In 2014, the Israeli Defense Minister confirmed that the Jewish State condemns the activities of terrorist organizations in Africa and is ready to help fight them [Israel "ready" to help.., 2014]. Thus, Israel has become a natural partner in the fight against the terrorist groups Boko Haram in Nigeria and Al-Shabaab in Kenya. Assistance to African states in the war on terrorism is driven by geostrategic motives - the desire to gain a foothold in the region and strengthen their influence, as well as a utilitarian desire to occupy a lucrative niche in the African arms trade market.

Israel's African policy is influenced by the intensification of the Israeli-Iranian confrontation in the 2000s. The activity of the Islamic Republic of Iran( IRI), Israel's regional adversary, in Africa has become a new challenge for the Israeli leadership. The Israeli government chooses as recipients mainly those African states in which the majority of the population is Christian, while the Iranian regime, on the contrary, strengthens cooperation mainly with Muslim countries. Israeli Foreign Minister A. Lieberman in September 2009 toured African countries (Ethiopia, Kenya, Ghana, Nigeria, Uganda), and one of the topics that was raised at the meetings was the strengthening of Iran's influence in the region [Foreign Minister Lieberman...].

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In recent years, the confrontation between the two Middle Eastern states in Africa has intensified. For example, Israel and Iran are actively fighting to sign contracts with African governments and companies. In 2010 Iran succeeded in disrupting negotiations between Israel and Senegal on the construction of water and sewer systems, offering Dakar better conditions [A search for allies.., 2010].

There is also a struggle for African partners on broader issues. Against the background of the rejection of Iran, a rapprochement between Sudan and Israel may occur. Although Israeli-Sudanese relations are not generally effective, 2 the Jewish State and Sudan can find common ground in the fight against Iran's rise in Africa. In recent years, Iran-Sudan relations have undergone radical changes due to the escalating Sunni-Shiite confrontation in the Middle East. After the attack on the Saudi embassy in Iran in January 2016, Khartoum broke off relations with Tehran, and a month later, the Sudanese Foreign Minister, I. Ghandour, in one of his speeches noted that his government was open to discussions on normalizing relations with Israel [Surkes]. Thus, the Jewish state can use dissatisfaction with Iran to develop and further strengthen military contacts with African states.

The provision of non-military assistance plays an equally important role in building Israel's relations with African countries. According to official OECD data, in 2009-2010, the SSA countries were the main recipients of Israeli aid, second only to the Middle East and North Africa [ODA: Multilateral and Bilateral...]. Israel mainly provides assistance to Africa through bilateral cooperation, but relations are also developing in a multilateral format. For example, in 2009, Israel signed an agreement with the Economic Community of West African Countries (ECOWAS) on cooperation in the fields of education, industry, agriculture, culture, etc. In addition, MASHAW signed a separate agreement with ECOWAS to join efforts to combat poverty and protect the environment. Israel is actively involved in various projects to promote development in Africa, together with other international players and organizations. One of the most recent projects was a three-year agreement signed between Israel and the Netherlands in February 2016, which aims to promote the development of agriculture in Ethiopia and its further commercial implementation [MASHAV...].

Israeli non-governmental organizations are playing an increasingly important role in Africa, such as the well-known IsraAID, established in 2001 in Beersheba. In addition to it, there are a number of other humanitarian organizations operating in Israel and working in Africa: The Fast Israeli Rescue and Search Team (FIRST), Israeli Flying Aid, Save a child's heart (SACH). Today, however, the activities of Israeli humanitarian organizations cannot be compared with the work of, for example, American ones, since the Israeli government does not allocate large funds for such assistance. Israeli researcher I. Sanders points out that the country's leadership does not have a well-thought-out policy in this area [Sanders, 2013].

One of the characteristics of the Israeli aid program is that, without spending much money on its implementation, Israel remains an important player in the international arena. Meanwhile, the annual budget of MASHAV barely reaches 10-11 million euros [Hadas-Handelsman, 2015, p. 64], and development assistance expenditures are small and amount to only 0.07% of GDP [Inbal and Zahavi, 2009, p. 51]. Other "new donors" are paying more attention to development assistance. For example, Turkey allocates 0.42% of GDP [Hausmann and Lundsgaarde, 2015, p. 2]. That is, the Israeli leadership does not seek to

2 Israel and Sudan do not have diplomatic relations. In the conflict between Sudan and South Sudan, Israel supported the latter, providing it with economic, military and other assistance.

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increase spending on external assistance, and the budget of MASHAV remains quite modest.

Relations between Israel and Africa have come a long way from the honeymoon period of the 1960s, to the breakdown of relations in the 1970s, and to a "new beginning" in the 2000s. The development of Israeli-African cooperation was influenced by many factors, including the internal political situation in Israel and African States, as well as the international and regional situation. Today, Israel maintains diplomatic relations with 40 countries on the continent. Recent speeches by Israeli Leader Benjamin Netanyahu confirm that the African direction remains one of the foreign policy priorities of the Jewish state. In order to strengthen its position in Africa, the Israeli leadership is going to develop a new African strategy, which will emphasize cooperation in the field of security and development.

ISRAEL AND NIGERIA

Israel's relations with Nigeria are currently the most successful on the continent. Security remains one of the key areas of cooperation between the two countries. Israel is helping Nigeria fight the terrorist organization Boko Haram. After President Goodluck Jonathan came to power in Nigeria in 2010 (2010-2015), Israeli-Nigerian military cooperation began to develop actively. At the official level, states call each other loyal allies in the fight against terrorism [JNS, 2015].

According to the Stockholm Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), in 2001-2014 Israel ranked 7th in terms of arms exports to Nigeria [TI V of arms exports from Israel...]. Nigeria, in turn, ranks 3rd among the SSA countries in terms of Israeli arms importations3, surpassed only by Equatorial Guinea and Uganda [Wezeman et al., 2011, p. 12]. In 2006-2009. Israel has signed contracts with Nigeria for the supply of weapons worth approximately $ 500 million [Melman, 2009; Israeli military assistance to Nigeria, 2008], in particular, it sends Aerostar and Sistar drones, Shaldag patrol boats, radar stations and various types of small arms to this African country (Employees of the State Security Service of Nigeria are armed with an Israeli TAR-21 assault rifle (Ezeobi, 2015). Even commercial arms sales are carried out with the approval of the Israeli leadership [TIV of arms exports from Israel..., 2008]. Israeli instructors train the Nigerian military both in Nigeria and in Israel. In April 2014, when Boko Haram militants abducted Nigerian schoolgirls, Israel provided its military experts to search for them [the Israeli Foreign Ministry...].

The coming to power in 2015 of a new President in Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari, who sympathizes with the Palestinians and their struggle against the Israeli occupation, called into question the further development of cooperation between Israel and Nigeria in the fight against terrorism. (The previous President of Nigeria, H. Jonathan, supported Israel during the 2014 UN Security Council vote when a Jordanian delegation tried to pass a resolution recognizing a Palestinian State.)

In 2015, at a meeting of the UN General Assembly, Buhari touched upon the Palestinian-Israeli conflict in his speech, noting that "the world no longer has any excuses or other reasons to postpone the adoption of a huge list of UN Security Council resolutions on this (Palestinian. - L. H.) issue. Nor do we have the moral right to deny that all people are free." Obviously, M. Buhari is a different kind of politician than G. Jonathan, and will not show his closeness to Israel. Although at the official level Israel continues to support the struggle

3 According to other sources, from 2006 to 2010, Nigeria was the main importer of weapons from Israel.

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The Nigerian government's relationship with Boko Haram, Nigeria's position on the Palestinian issue, may affect the amount of aid provided by the Israeli leadership. To a certain extent, Nigeria was faced with a choice between openly supporting the Palestinians in their struggle for recognition of their State or expanding security cooperation with Israel.

If today the Palestinian-Israeli conflict rather negatively affects Israeli-Nigerian relations, then the" Iranian problem", on the contrary, can contribute to their improvement. The expansion of Iran's presence in Africa threatens not only Tel Aviv, but also Abuja. Tehran supports Shiite forces in Nigeria that oppose the country's Sunni government. Nigerian Shiite leader Sheikh Ibrahim Zakzaki is openly opposed to Israel [AN Africa, 2008], which, in turn, is extremely concerned about Iran's activities that directly threaten its interests in Nigeria. In 2013, the Nigerian security services detained three suspects suspected of preparing terrorist attacks on Israeli and American targets (the office of the US Agency for International Development and the Israeli business center in Lagos) [Goldman, 2013]. All three, according to the Nigerian police, were associated with Iran, and although the Iranian leadership categorically rejected these accusations, it seems that the desire to oppose Iran can contribute to the rapprochement between Israel and Nigeria. Of course, this largely depends on the Nigerian government and its ability to find the optimal balance in relations with Israel and Iran.

Bilateral cooperation is also developing intensively in the area of development assistance. According to the Israeli Ambassador to Nigeria U. Palti, the Israeli-Nigerian partnership is successfully expanding in the field of agriculture, which ultimately contributes to the strengthening of the Nigerian economy [Israel to partner Enugu...]. In 2014, Israel and Nigeria signed an agreement to strengthen cooperation in this area [Salami, 2014]. In addition, there are about 50 Israeli companies operating in Nigeria - in the fields of medicine, energy, construction, telecommunications, and water supply [Oyedele]. The most prominent Israeli construction firms in Nigeria are Solel Boneh, Gadish and Ashtrom.

Finally, Israel is providing humanitarian assistance to Nigeria. This is mainly done by MASHAV and NGOs. For example, in 2006, Israel provided Nigeria with medical supplies and devices to prevent the avian flu epidemic [Government of Israel, 2006]. In 2010, the Israeli Embassy in Abuja facilitated a workshop on ophthalmic diseases and their treatment at the State Hospital of Nigeria (50 Nigerian patients were consulted free of charge, and some underwent surgery). [Israeli Embassy in Nigeria]. In 2012, Israel provided $ 528,000 in medical assistance to Nigeria (Terrasanta, 2012). Hundreds of Nigerian citizens - doctors, scientists, engineers-are undergoing special training in Israel [The Israel Project].

* * *

"Israel's return to Africa" is taking place against the backdrop of an increasing terrorist threat in the region, which cannot but affect the nature of cooperation between the Israeli government and some African states that are fighting terrorism. In this context, Israeli-Nigerian relations stand out. Israel's military and counterterrorism experience gives it advantages over other international players who are also seeking to help the Nigerian government fight Boko Haram. At the same time, Israel is also an active financial donor, especially in those areas where it has achieved great success (for example, in agriculture). Although Nigeria is not the leading recipient of Israeli aid, bilateral cooperation in this area is at a high level.

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Israel successfully conducts specialized training seminars for Nigerians, and is ready to provide humanitarian assistance to Abuja, which is especially important in the face of a constant terrorist threat.

The example of the Jewish State's relations with Nigeria shows the interconnectedness and interdependence of security and development issues. And, as Israeli Leader Benjamin Netanyahu emphasizes, Israel is ready to continue developing relations with African states in both areas.

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