Johannes den Heijer

Relations between Copts and Syrians in the Light of Discoveries at Dayr as-Suryan

Johannes den Heijer - Professor of Arabic Studies and President of the Centre d'etudes orientales, Institut orientaliste de Louvain, Universite catholique de Louvain (Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium). johannes.denheijer@uclouvain.be

This article offers a contextualizing analysis of archeological, iconographical and epigraphical data discovered mostly in the late 1990s at Dayr as-Suryan in Wadi-n-Natrun between Cairo and Alexandria. It highlights the historical relations between the Egyptian (Coptic) and Syrian Christian communities and the presence of Syrian monks at the monastic site in question, as well as in Cairo and in Egypt generally. The main textual evidence studied consists of epigraphical material that may be considered to be "synodical inscriptions" as they are shown to be related to the exchange of the well-established tradition of exchange of "Synodical Letters" between the patriarchs of the two non-Chalcedonian sister Churches. Four such inscriptions, dated to the 8th, 9th, 10th, and 11th centuries A.D., are compared to external evidence and more particularly to Copto-Arabic historiography. In a concluding analysis, this phenomenon is briefly studied within the larger context of contacts and exchanges between the two communities and the migration of Syrian and other Oriental Christians to Egypt.

Keywords: Coptic Orthodox Church, Syrian Orthodox Church, Patriarchate of Alexandria, Patriarchate of Antioch, Dayr as-Suryan, Monastery of the Syrians, Wadi-n-Natrun, Syriac inscriptions,

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Synodical Letters, History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, Bashmurites, Moses of Nisibis, Syrians in Egypt, Armenians in Egypt, Abbasids, Fatimids.

I. Introduction

COPTIC studies in various fields have focused on contacts and interactions between the Coptic Church and other Christian communities in the Middle East, especially the non-Chalcedonian "Sister Churches" of Syria, Armenia, Nubia, and Ethiopia. At various levels, the Coptic Church has always maintained a special relationship with these Churches, although these relationships have been different. This article offers a review of some aspects of the history of relations between Copts and Syro-Orthodox Christians loyal to the Patriarchate of Antioch1.

Among the works devoted to these connections, it is enough to mention the relevant sections on the "Monastery of the Syrians" (Deir al-Suryan) in the Nitrian desert (Wadi n-Natrun). In the second volume of a thorough study by Hugh J. Evelyn White's work on monasteries in this area, 2 and Fr. Jean Maurice Fiet's extensive work on the history of Coptic and Syriac Christian relations.3 In addition, relatively recent research conducted at the Church of Our Lady of Deir al-Suryan has uncovered new frescoes, inscriptions in Coptic, Syriac and Arabic, and new manuscripts in the famous collection of Syriac manuscripts; the information contained in some of them directly affects our understanding

1. At present, they are usually called Syro-Orthodox (Suryan Ursudux in Arabic), and often you can also find the designation " Yakovites "(named after Jacob Baradei). In the context of this study, we avoid using the term "Jacobites", since it can also be used in relation to Copts, see Du Bourguet, P. (1983)" Le mot 'copte'", Bulletin de la societe d'archeologie copte 25: 101 - 106 (esp. p. 101).

2. Evelyn White, H.G. (1932) The Monasteries of the Wadi 'n Natrun, II. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. For local monasteries, see also: den Heijer, J. (2009)" Wadi al-Natrun and the History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria", in Mikhail, M. A. S., Moussa, M. (eds) Christianity and Monasticism in Wadi al-Natrun. Essays from the 2002 International Symposium of the Saint Mark Foundation and the Saint Shenouda the Archimandrite Coptic Society, pp. 24 - 42. Cairo, New York: The American University in Cairo Press.

3. Fiey, J. - M. (1972 - 1973) "Coptes et Syriaques, contacts et echanges", Studia Orientalia Christiana, Collectanea 15: 297 - 365.

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on the co-existence of Copts and Syrians in this monastery from the first half of the eighth to the end of the sixteenth century. The results of these studies were published in a series of articles. Mention should be made of the interdisciplinary research undertaken by Karel Inneme, Peter Grossman, Konrad Jenner, and Lukas Van Rompuy on historical, architectural, and epigraphic materials4, as well as the more analytical work5 in which Karel Inneme and Lukas Van Rompuy discuss that the" Monastery of the Syrians " was not a separate possession of the Syrians in Egypt,but rather a separate possession of the Syrians. but at various stages of its history, it turned out to be a place of joint residence of Egyptian and Syrian monks, which often showed interesting forms of cultural interaction.6 The main purpose of this study is to provide additional commentary on the historical context of some of this data, and thus contribute to our knowledge of not only the history of the "Monastery of the Syrians" in Egypt, but also other aspects of Coptic-Syrian relations.

2. Inscriptions in Deir al-Suryan and exchange of synodal messages

Most significant for the history of relations between the two Sister Churches at the highest level is the discovery in the "Monastery of the Syrians" of a number of inscriptions containing the names of Coptic and Syrian patriarchs. Since these inscriptions are, as far as I know, the only record of the names of the Syrian patriarchs on the walls of a Coptic religious building, they require systematic analysis in the context of Coptic-Syriac traditions.-

4. Innemee, K. C., Grossmann, P., Jenner, K. D., Van Rompay, L. (1998) "New Discoveries in the Al-'Adra' Church of Dayr as-Suryan in the Wadi al-Natrun", Mitteilungen zur christlichen Archdologie 4: 79 - 103.

5. Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L. (1998) "La presence des Syriens dans le Wadi al-Natrun (Egypte), a propos des decouvertes recentes de peintures et de textes muraux dans l'Eglise de la Vierge du Couvent des Syriens", Parole de I'Orient 23: 167 - 202. См. также Innemee, K. G., Van Rompay, L., Sobczynski, E. (1999) "Deir al-Suryan (Egypt): Its Wall-paintings, Wall-texts, and Manuscripts", Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 2(2): 167 - 188; Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L. (2000) "Deir al-Suryan (Egypt): New Discoveries of January 2000", Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 3(2): 253 - 279.

6. This phenomenon - contacts between representatives of different communities - is attested in Egypt and elsewhere, especially in the twelfth century. See Youssef, Y. N. (1998-1999)" Multi confessional Churches in Egypt During the Twelfth Century", Bulletin of Saint Shenouda the Archimandrite Coptic Society 5: 45-54.

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wearables. These relations were characterized primarily by the fact that for centuries the names of the patriarchs of Antioch were commemorated in Coptic churches at the liturgy, and, conversely, the liturgy of the Syrian Church contains the commemoration of the Patriarch of Alexandria. Then the two churches exchanged what is commonly called synodal messages: one of the first duties of the newly elected patriarch, who was preparing to ascend to the patriarchal throne, was to notify the sister Church and confess his Orthodox faith in the message. Coptic historical documents attest to such an exchange of synodal messages before the thirteenth century.

Such "synodal inscriptions" in Deir al-Suryan date from the end of the eighth or early ninth century to the end of the eleventh century. These dates determine the range of certificates discussed below.

2.1. Inscription of Patriarch Kyriakos

The oldest inscription discovered to date in Deir al-Suryan, which features the patriarch's name, is made in an amazing ornamental style - the Syriac text is written vertically and in a mirror image.7 The text of the inscription is simple:"His Holiness Cyriacus, Patriarch of Antioch." According to L. Van Rompuy, this is most likely the Syro-Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch Cyriacus (793-817), who, apparently, somehow supported the monastery by financing construction or repairs, or sending Syrian monks as inhabitants to this monastery. It is appropriate to recall that this Cyriacus was originally from the city of Taghrit (Arab. Tikrit), located on the Tigris River in Mesopotamia (now Iraq), and may have maintained special ties to the Tikrit community in Cairo, which is known to have played a significant role in the early history of Deir al-Suryan. [8] The Kyriakos Patriarchate is quite remarkable for the history of Coptic-Arab relations. How do we learn from a kind of

7. As Lukas Van Rompuy points out, this type of decorative "mirror writing" has analogs in (later) Islamic calligraphy. Innemee, K. C., Grossmann, P., Jenner, K. D., Van Rompay, L. "New Discoveries", pp. 102 - 103, Fig. 18; for this inscription, see also Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L. "La presence des syriens", p. 200, Fig. 7; Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L. "New Discoveries", p. 200, paragr. [40] a.

8. Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L. "La presence des Syriens", p. 184.

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According to the "official" history of the Coptic Church, the "History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria,"9 this Syrian patriarch was elected after a period of turmoil that began when a certain Isaac, Bishop of Harran, was uncanonically appointed Patriarch of Antioch by the Abbasid Caliph 'Abd Allah, as a result of which he was turned away by the Egyptian Christians of his own faith. Relations improved only after Coptic Patriarch John (Yuhanna) IV (775_799) was finally able to send a synodal message to Patriarch George of Antioch and receive a reply from him10.

George was succeeded by Cyriacus, the patriarch in question, who wrote the synodal letter delivered to Alexandria by Anastasia, Metropolitan of Damascus.11 Meanwhile, Mark (Murkus) II (799-819) was elected Patriarch of Alexandria.

9. Quotations from the "History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria" in this article are given from the publications of Evetts, B. T. A. (1904-19!5) History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria. T.I, pp. 99 - 214, T. V, pp. 1 - 215, T. X. pp. 357 - 551. (Patrologia Orientalis). Paris: Firmin-Didot i Atiya, A. S., Abd al-Masih, Y., Khs-Burmester, O. H. E, Khater, A. (1943 - 1974) History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, known as the History of the Holy Church, by Sawirus Ibn al-Muqaffa', bishop of al-Asmunin. T. I - IV. Le Caire: [Societe d'archeologie copte]. It should be noted that neither edition is critical, and therefore neither the text nor the translation can be considered reliable. See: den Heijer, J. (1989) Mawhub ibn Mansur Ibn Mufarrig et l'historiographie copto-arabe. Etude sur la composition de l'Histoire des Patriarches d'Alexandrie (Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium, vol. 513: Subsidia, torn. 81). Lovanii: E. Peeters; den Heijer, J. (1991) "History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria", in Atiya, A.S. (ed.) (1991) Coptic Encyclopedia, vol. 4, pp. 1238 - 1242. New York: Macmillan; Pilette, P. (2010), "La recension primitive du texte arabe de l'Histoire des Patriarches dAlexandrie: problematique et perspectives", Acta Orientalia Belgica 23: 141 - 155; den Heijer, J., Pilette, P. "Transmission et diffusion de l'Historiographie copto-arabe: nouvelles remarques sur les recensions primitives et vulgate de l'Histoire des Patriarches d'Alexandrie", in Monferrer Sala, J. P., Torallas Tovar, S. (eds) (2013) Cultures in Contact. Transfer of Knowledge in the Mediterranean Context. Cordoba - Beirut: CNERU - CEDRAC; Pilette, P. (2013) "L'Histoire des Patriarches d'Alexandrie: Une nouvelle evaluation de la configuration du texte en recensions", Le Museon 126 (3 - 4): 419 - 450. Currently (2014) a new critical edition of this text, based on its original version, is being prepared within the framework of the International Copto-Arabic Historiography Project (ICAHP), which is coordinated by the Center for Oriental Studies of the Louvain Institute of Oriental Studies(Institut orientaliste de Louvain-CIOL), one of the divisions of the Institut des civilizations, arts et lettres - INCAL of the Catholic University of Louvain. For more information, see: http://www.uclouvain.be/443718.html, accessed from 05.10.14.

10. Evetts, B. T. A. History of the Patriarchs, I iv, pp. 496 - 497 (Patrologia Orientalis X, pp. 382 - 383).

11. Evetts, B. T. A. History of the Patriarchs, I iv, pp. 506 - 509 (Patrologia Orientalis X, pp. 392 - 395).

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In his official message to Cyriacus, delivered by Bishops Mark (Murkus) of Tinnys and Mark (Murkus) of al-Farama, he complains of the difficulties he has encountered due to the heretical movement that has recently emerged in Egypt.12 On the Syrian side, Avraham, one of the metropolitans of Kyriakos, fell into disbelief. It is interesting to read how Mark of Alexandria, who apparently felt that Cyriacus was reacting too sluggishly to the heretical movement in Syria, called on him to "heal" Abraham. 13 Although the position of both Mark of Alexandria and Cyriacus of Antioch was obviously difficult due to the aforementioned confrontation, 14 they nevertheless felt able to maintain a regular relationship which are expressed at the official level in the exchange of synodal messages. What does all this mean for the interpretation of the inscription we are considering? On the one hand, it can be assumed that the Syrian monks who inhabited Deir al-Suryan were relieved that relations between their patriarchate and the patriarchate of their host country finally normalized. On the other hand, the fact that only their own patriarch is mentioned and that the inscription is so decorated can be understood as an expression of emphasized loyalty to him, against the background of accusations from the Coptic patriarch of not working hard enough in the fight against dissidents in Syria.

2.2. Inscription of Patriarchs Ya'qub and Dionysius

The second inscription, only part of which has survived to this day, tells about the joint construction and construction of the monastery by a certain Mattai and Ya'qub, which took place in the days of Ya'qub (Jacob), Patriarch of Alexandria (819-830) and the famous Dionysius of Tellmahr (818-845). L. Van Rompuy dates this text to 818/819.16

12. Evetts, B. T. A. History of the Patriarchs, I iv, pp. 522 - 524 (Patrologia Orientalis X, pp. 408 - 410).

13. Evetts, B.T.A. History of the Patriarchs, I iv, pp. 530 - 532 (Patrologia Orientalis X, pp. 416 - 418).

14. In addition to the Avraham episode, Syriac historiography indicates many cases of serious divergence and confrontation in the Syriac Church during the Cyriac patriarchal period. See Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L. "La presence des Syriens", p. 185.

15. Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L. "La presence des Syriens", pp. 179 - 180, p. 201, Fig. 8.

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The fact that both the Coptic and Syriac patriarchs are mentioned by name in this inscription deserves special attention, if only because it is the first known inscription with such a reference in an Eastern Christian context. First of all, I would like to note that this inscription dates back to the very beginning of the patriarchal periods of both these patriarchs, i.e., the time when there were no direct contacts between them yet, since only in 825 and 830 AD. Dionysius will personally travel to Egypt and deliver his synodal epistles. Nevertheless, it is these two visits of Dionysius to Egypt and his active participation in the political events of his time that give significance to the contextualization of the inscription in question in the history of relations between the two patriarchates, as attested by Coptic and Syriac historical sources.

As soon as Dionysius succeeded Cyriacus on the patriarchal throne of Antioch, he received a message from Mark of Alexandria, to which he responded with his own synodal epistle.16 He first visited Egypt in 825, accompanying the Abbasid Caliph al-Ma'mun. His main motive for making this trip was to meet with the new Patriarch Ya'qub, especially since he had not yet received a synodal message from him.17 Under the next Coptic patriarch, Joseph (830-849); the political situation is vividly colored by the revolt of the Bashmurites, who lived in the swampy areas near Tinnis, in the south-east of the Delta, and regularly took up arms to resist the oppression of the Abbasid government's tax collectors. It is believed that these disturbances prevented Dionysius from sending his synodal message to the new Coptic patriarch. 18 The Caliph himself went to Egypt in an effort to appease the rebels, and took Dionysius with him. During this second visit, Dionysius together with Joseph Alek-

16. Evetts, И. Е. A. History of the Patriarchs, I iv, pp. 548 - 551 (Patrologia Orientalis X, pp. 434 - 437).

17. Evetts, B. T. A. History of the Patriarchs, I iv, pp. 579-581 (Patrologia Orientalis X, pp. 465-467); Fiey, J.-M. "Coptes et Syriaques", pp. 320-321. The unpublished second part of the original edition of the History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria contains a more extensive report on this episode: Ms. Paris ar. 303, fol. 28b-31b. For the original and popular versions, see Den Heijer, J. Mawhub Ibn Mansur Ibn Mufarrig et I'historiographie copto-arabe, pp. 14-80.

18. Fiey J. - M. "Coptes et Syriaques", p. 321.

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Sandrinsky tried in vain to persuade the Bashmurites to stop resisting. When al-Ma'mun's patience ran out, he sent his general al-Afshin to put down the rebellion. Many insurgents died in the crackdown, and many survivors were deported to Iraq.19 This episode, which left traces in the collective Coptic memory that remain to this day, is particularly important for this study, as it is the only case in history where the head of the Syrian Church directly and actively interfered in the internal affairs of a part of the Coptic population, not only in a pastoral capacity, but also as a person attracted by a Muslim ruler.20
Returning to the Deir al-Suryan inscription, one chronological problem should be pointed out. H. J. Evelyn White argued that the monastery was probably rebuilt between 830 and 859, and that "it is very likely that its rebuilding was a direct or indirect consequence of the visit of the Syrian Patriarch Dionysius to Egypt in 829 - 830 ad. " 21. However, the newly discovered

19. Evetts, B. T. A. History of the Patriarchs, I iv, pp. 599 - 616 (Patrologia Orientalis X, pp. 485 - 502). In Syriac historiography, the main source in this case is the message of Dionysius himself, included in the chronicle of Michael the Syrian: Chabot, J.-B. (1901-1924) Chronique de Michel le Syrien Patriarche Jacobite d'Antioche (1166-1199), T. III, pp. 76-83; T. IV, pp. 522-527. Paris: E. Leroux. See also Van Reeth, J. M. F. (1994)" Caliph Al-Ma'mun and the Treasure of the Pyramids", Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 25: 221-236 (esp. pp. 221-223).

20. It is not entirely clear whether this story was transmitted orally or through written transmission, over the centuries, or whether it was revived in memory at a more recent time. Of the later Copto-Arabic historical works, only the Chronicon Orientale contains an account from the History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria. Cheikho, L. (ed.) (1903) Petrus Ibn Rahib, Chronicon Orientale, pp. 129-130. (Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium, Scriptores arabici, Series tertia, 1). Beryti - Parisiis - Lipsiae: Typ. Cath. [etc.]. For these texts, see Den Heijer, J. (1996)" Coptic Historiography in the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Early Mamluk Periods", Medieval Encounters. Jewish, Christian and Muslim Culture in Confluence and Dialogue 2: 67-98. The story of the Bashmurite revolt is given in some treatment inspired by early twentieth-century Coptic nationalism in Anba Isudhurus (1924) Al-Kharida an-Nafisafi Tarih al-Kanisa, g. II, ss. 201 - 202. Al-Qahira. In the 1980s, the history of the Bashmurite revolt was mentioned in an article published in the press, which drew a parallel between this ninth-century revolt and the contemporary conflicts of the community: 'Aziz Girgis, Sawt al-Masriq, June 11, 1983. L. Barbulesco suggests that this journalist's derogatory description of Dionysius' intervention implied a reference to a Greek Catholic Patriarch Maxim V Hakim, whom he viewed as insufficiently critical of government policy: Barbulesco, L. (1985) Les Chretiens egyptiens aujourd'hui: elements de discours, pp. 95-99. Le Caire: Centre d'etudes et de documentation economique, juridique et sociale.

21. Evelyn White, H. G. The Monasteries of the Wadi 'n Natrun, 11, 311.

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the inscription, as mentioned above, clearly indicates construction activity at the very beginning of Dionysius ' patriarchate and thus has nothing to do with his visit. Does this mean that Evelyn White's dating should be adjusted? Or should we assume that there were two reconstructions of the monastery, one in 819 and the other and or 40 years later? Be that as it may, the first construction venture corresponds to a reconstruction dated by W. Monneret de Villard between 819 and 836, as it was undertaken after a Bedouin raid in 817: 22 The inscription does indeed confirm this dating, linking the message to 819. As for the second construction or restoration project, it is possible to assume that this was related to the acquisition of the monastery by Syrian monks, which took place between 851 and 859,23 but we do not seem to have reliable evidence for such identification.

Finally, it is worth mentioning that in the History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, it is precisely the contacts between Patriarchs Dionysius and Joseph that are presented as a model of relations between the patriarchs of Antioch and Alexandria, and the importance of exchanging synodal messages is indicated as follows:

And who wouldn't be surprised to hear about these miracles? After all, every patriarch who sits on the Holy See directs his concern to three branches of affairs: the care of the synodal message to the Patriarch of Antioch, then our relations with the Abyssinians and Nubians, and finally the implementation of the instructions issued by the ruler of Egypt regarding patriarchs and bishops, so that the affairs of the Orthodox churches are maintained in good order. And God brought these three divisions of affairs together with our father, the Patriarch Abba Joseph, by the arrival of the Caliph al-Ma'mun from this country and the patriarchal interview with him, and the arrival of Dionysius, the Patriarch of Antioch, with whom he had communion, and the arrival of the son of the king of the Nubians, [and] Preus-

22. Monneret de Villard, U. (1928) Les eglises du Monastere des Syriens au Wadi en-Natrun. Milano: Tipografia pontificia arcivescovile San Giuseppe; цит. by: Fiey J.-M. "Coptes et Syriaques", p. 325-326, n. 137.

23. This range of dates for the time when the monastery was acquired by the Syrians is given by J.-M. Fis: Fiey J.-M. "Coptes et Syriaques", p. 326, following Evelyn White: Evelyn White, H. G. The Monasteries of the Wadi'n Natrun, II, 310.

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repentance in deeds, visions of truly great glory, as the prophet David said: "All nations will serve him." 24
2.3. The Doors of Moisey Nisivinsky

Until recent discoveries, the only texts on monumental monuments that contained the names of the Coptic and Syriac patriarchs were Syriac inscriptions on the wooden doors of the church. The first inscription, dated 914, mentions Gabriel I of Alexandria (910-920) and John (Yuhannan) Antioch. The second inscription, dated 926/927, mentions Cosmas (Kuzma) III of Alexandria (920-932) and Basilios (Basilios) II of Antioch25. These two inscriptions date back to the construction work of the famous Archimandrite Moses of Nisibis, who brought a number of Syriac manuscripts from Mesopotamia with him to the monastery.26
These doors are a very remarkable monument to the history of joint Coptic-Syrian existence in Deir al-Suryan. According to J.-M. In the works of J. F. Fie (which reproduces the assessment of W. Monneret de Villard), they showed a combination of Coptic skill and Syriac inspiration. Van Rompuy notes as a curious fact that the inscriptions first mention the Coptic patriarch, and then Antioch, despite the fact that the inscriptions relate to the" most Syrian period " of the history of Deir al-Suryan28.

24. Evetts, B. T. A. History of the Patriarchs, I iv, pp. 621 - 622 (Patrologia Orientalis X, pp. 507 - 508). The Bible quote at the end is Psalm 71: 11.

25. Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L. "La presence des syriens", pp. 187; Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L., Sobczynski, E. "Deir al-Suryan (Egypt): Its Wall-paintings, Wall-texts, and Manuscripts", p. 191/paragr. [30] - [32] (L. Van Rompay).

26. Fiey J. - M. "Coptes et Syriaques", p. 340 - 341; Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L. "La presence des syriens", pp. 186 - 189.

27. Fiey J. - M. "Coptes et Syriaques", p. 343.

28. Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L. "La presence des syriens", pp. 193 - 194; Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L., Sobczynski, E. "Deir al-Suryan (Egypt): Its Wall-paintings, Wall-texts, and Manuscripts", pp. 100-191 / paragr. [30] - [32] (L. Van Rompay). In this connection, it is also appropriate to pay attention to the inscription made inside the dome above the hurus (i.e., choir stalls), which mentions "Father Moses, Abbot and housekeeper". According to L. Van Rompuy, this head of the monastery, and a certain "Father Aaron" mentioned in the same inscription, are probably the same "Moses and Aaron, priests and stewards of the monastery" mentioned in the Syriac manuscript from the collection of the British Library. См. Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L., Sobczynski, E. "Deir al-Suryan (Egypt): Its Wall-paintings, Wall-texts, and

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Although we know that contacts existed at that time, at least between Basil II of Antioch (923-935) and Cosmas III of Alexandria (920-93 2), we do not find in the "History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria" mention of the exchange of synodal messages between these patriarchs. Fie suggests that the reason for this may be that the author of this series of biographies, Bishop Michael of Tinnis, did not have much interest in the subject.29 However, as we will see, this explanation does not fit well with other available data.

2.4. Inscription of Patriarchs Cyril II and Dionysius V

The last inscription, which we will examine, clearly indicates the tradition of exchanging synodal messages between these patriarchs. The inscription dates from 1076/1077, and its text is as follows (as it is given by l. Van Rompuy):

Synodal [epistle] Mar Dion Sias, atriarch of Antioch and Syria, to Mar Cyril of Alexandria, in the year 1390 of the Macedonians, in the days of Mar Juhannan of Grith.

As L. rightly points out: Van Rompuy, "in this case we are dealing with a formal communication approved by the monastery's management and executed by a professional scribe," and that this inscription "was obviously intended to serve as an announcement to the monks and visitors about the existence" of the said synodal epistle. Van Rompuy also briefly reconstructs the immediate historical context of the creation of this inscription.30 It is not necessary to reproduce the whole discussion here, but as Fie points out, there is some confusion in the History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria as regards the identification of the Patriarchs.-

Manuscripts", p. 171/paragr. [8], ill. 3, 4 - It seems quite plausible that both texts actually point to the same Moses of Nisibis (inference from oral communication with K. Immene and L. Van Rompuy). If this conclusion turns out to be correct, it can be noted as a remarkable fact that the inscription in question is made in Coptic, and not in Syriac.

29. Fiey J. - M. "Coptes et Syriaques", p. 350.

30. Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L. "Deir al-Suryan (Egypt): New Discoveries of January 2000", pp. 189 - 191/paragr. [26] - [32], Fig. 5 (L. Van Rompay).

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However, it is reasonable to add some comments on the work of the Syriac patriarchs of the second half of the eleventh century.31
Contrary to J. - M.'s remark. Despite the fact that Michael of Tinny did not have much interest in synodal epistles, the author's reports in the History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria are full of references to his own participation in the exchange of patriarchs with such epistles. Thus, he gives a lengthy account of his mission to deliver the synodal epistle of his Patriarch Christodoulos (1047-1077)to Melitene (Malatiya), where at that time the residence of the Syrian patriarchs was located. 32 Mykha yl Tinnyssky first tells about several episodes from the life of the previous Syrian Patriarch John (Yuhannan) X Bar Abdun (d. 1030 or 1033; simply Juhannan ibn ' Abdun in Arabic)33 and then goes on to describe how he and another Coptic bishop, Gabriel of Say, delivered the synodal message of Patriarch Christodoulos to Yuhannan XI ibn Abdun (1042-1057; also in Arabic: Yuhannan ibn 'Abdun!) in the year 765 of the Martyrs, i.e. 1048-1049 A.D. 34

At the end of the biography of the 66th Coptic Patriarch, Christodoulos, his biographer, Mawhub ibn Mansur ibn Mufarrij 35, mentions that another John became Patriarch of Antioch 36-this is Yuhannan XII bar Shushan, who died in 1072. After this, Mawhub quotes the letter of Christodoulos to Yuhannan XII, but does not explicitly designate it as synodal. Christodoulos received a reply message, which is also not referred to as "synodal". The answer was delivered to him by a Syrian priest named Samuel, who did not go back, but settled as from-

31. Fiey J. - M. "Coptes et Syriaques", p. 351, n. 273.

32. Fiey J. - M. "Coptes et Syriaques", p. 351.

33. Atiya, A. S. [et al.] History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, II ii, pp. 139 - 142; пер.: pp. 211 - 215.

34. Atiya, A. S. [et al.] History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, II ii, p. 142; пер.: p. 215. Note, however, that the original version does not explicitly mention the Synodal epistle: Ms. Paris ar. 303, fol. 261a.

35. He was the biographer of Christodulus and his successor, Cyril II (1078-1092), and the principal editor of the Arabic text of the History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria. See den Heijer, J. (lggi) Mawhubbn Mansur Ibn Mufarrig; and den Heijer, J. " Mawhub Ibn Mansur Ibn Mufarrig al-Iskandarani (c. 1025-1100)", in Atiya, A. S. (ed.) Coptic Encyclopedia, Vol. 5, pp. 1573-1574. New York.

36. According to Mawhub, he was the nephew of Yuhannan X: Atiya, A. S. [et al.] History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, 11 iii, p. 206; trans.: p.318.

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Shel'nik 37 in Azri skete 38, in Jazyrat Bani Nasr, Delta region 39. In 1074. John XII died, and was succeeded by Basil 40, who reigned only for a year and a half, after which he died. During his brief patriarchate, the synodal message was not received from him, and the Egyptian churches continued to commemorate his predecessor.41 After some interruption caused by certain problems among the Syrians, Lazarus, abbot of the monastery of Bar Savma, was appointed patriarch in 1077, and took the name of Dionysius V. 42 This is the patriarch mentioned in the inscription we are considering, and Mawhub ibn Mansur ibn Mufarrij does indeed relate that he sent a synodal message delivered by a priest named Thomas (Tuma), who later became bishop of Baghdad. Initially, the epistle was addressed to Christodulus 43, but then, when Thomas was about to return to the church,-

37. Later (in 1092), this Syrian hermit was seriously considered as a candidate for the position of Coptic patriarch, but was ultimately rejected on doctrinal grounds. See Atiya, A. S. [et al.] History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, II iii, pp. 233-239; trans.: pp. 370-381 and den Heijer, J. (2004)" Les Patriarchies coptes d'origine syrienne", in Ebied, R. Y., Teule, H. Festschrift P. Samir Khalil Samir. Leuven: Peeters, pp. 45 - 63.

38. In the relevant part of the unpublished third part of the original version, this place name appears in the form Zara: Ms. Cairo, Coptic Orthodox Patriarchate, Hist. 12, fol. 52b - 53a.

39. Atiya, A. S. [et al.] History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, II iii, p. 206; пер.: p. 319 - 320. This hermitage later became important: about the 69th Patriarch, Makarii (Makara) II (1102-1128), it is reported that he had a cell there: Ibid., Ill i, p. 7; trans.: p. 12 (here again the Cairo manuscript contains the reading Zara). According to Abu Salih / Abu-l-Makarim, who gives an overview of the churches of the area and its hermitage (sawma'a), Macarius II was the last patriarch to have a residence there; after him, the patriarchs settled in residence in Old Cairo (Misr). See as-Souryani, Samuel (deceased Bishop Samuel of Shibin-al-Qanatir) (ed.) (1984) Tarih al-Kanais wa-l-Adyurafi-l-qarn at-tani 'asar, li-Abi-l-Makarim, alladi nusiba hata'an ilaAbi Salih al-Armani. Dayr as-Suryan, g. I, fol. 41b-42a. For this work and its authorship, see Den Heijer, Coptic Historiography, pp. 77-81 (and notes).

40. Syriac sources allow us to identify him as a monk and administrator of the monastery of Bar Savma near Melitene and date his accession to the patriarchal throne in 1074-Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L. "Deir al-Suryan (Egypt): New Discoveries of January 2000", p. l89/par. [28] (L.Van Rompay).

41. Atiya, A. S. [et al.] History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, II iii, pp. 206 - 207; пер.: p. 320.

42. The delivery also took place in the monastery of Bar Savma. In the report of Abu Salih / Abu-l-Makarim, this name is distorted as "Deir Sura". See Tarih al-Kana'is, III, fol. 148a.

43. Atiya, A. S. [et al.] History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, II iii, p. 207; пер.: p. 320.

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When he discovered that this patriarch had died and was succeeded by Cyril II, he corrected the addressee's name accordingly. Thus, it is tempting to think that the inscription in Deir al-Suryan represents an official confirmation of the correction in the original Synodal epistle.

2.5. Other Synodal Epistles

In addition to the four (or rather five) inscriptions discussed, three of which were recently discovered, there is another text written on the wall of the Church of the Blessed Virgin in the "Monastery of the Syrians", where two names are not read, but it is very likely that they are the names of the patriarchs. 45 In the History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, we find references to a much larger number of synodal epistles from the sixth to eleventh centuries, as well as from the thirteenth. 47 A quotation from one of these early exchanges of epistles, namely from Anastasius (593-598) to Athanasius, eloquently indicates the nature of relations between the two patriarchates:

44. Atiya, A. S. [et al.] History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, II Hi, p. 210; пер.: p. 327. Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L. "Deir al-Suryan (Egypt): New Discoveries of January 2000", p. 190/paragr. [30] (L. Van Rompay).

45. Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L. "Deir al-Suryan (Egypt): New Discoveries of January 2000", p. 193/paragr. [35], Fig. 8 (L. Van Rompay).

46. The first synodal epistle mentioned is from St. John the Baptist. St. Severus of Antioch to John II (506-515): Evetts, B. T. A. History of the Patriarchs, I ii, pp. 185 - 186 (Patrologia Orientalis III, pp. 449 - 450). According to Fie, the exchange of messages could have started earlier: Fiey, J.-M. "Coptes et Syriaques", p. 311. From 518 to 538, Sevier was mainly in Egypt: Ibid., pp. 311-316-

47. In a number of places that are not considered in this work, references are made to the exchange of synodal epistles between Dioscorus II (515-517) and Severus (Evetts, B. T. A. History of the Patriarchs, I ii, p. 187 (Patrologia Orientalis III, p. 451); Fiey, J. - M. "Coptes et Syriaques", p. 312), Anastasia (605-616) and his namesake first Hierarch in Antioch (after a serious crisis in relations between the two Churches) (Evetts, B. T. A. History of the Patriarchs, I ii, p. 480 (Patrologia Orientalis III, p. 216; Fiey, J.-M. "Coptes et Syriaques", pp. 318-319), Simon I (692-700), and Julian III (Evetts, B. T. A. History of the Patriarchs, I iii, p. 284; Patrologia Orientalis V, p. 30; Fiey, J. - M. "Coptes et Syriaques", p. 30). Syriaques", p. 319), Alexander II (704-729) and Julian III (Evetts, B. T. A. History of the Patriarchs, I iii, pp. 318-319 (Patrologia Orientalis V, pp. 64-65), Alexander II and Athanasius (Evetts, B. T. A. History of the Patriarchs, I iii, pp. 327-328; Patrologia Orientalis V, pp. 73-74), Shenoute I (859-880), and John (Atiya, AS. [et al.] History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, II I, p. 17; per.: p. 25, p. 16; per.: p. 23). On the relationship between Cyril III Ibn Laklaq (1235-1243) and Ignatius III (1222-1252), see Fiey, J. - M. "Coptes et Syriaques", pp. 353-357.

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Truth came out of the land of Egypt, and righteousness shone forth from the East. Egypt and Syria became one in confession; Alexandria and Antioch became one Church, one virgin bride of one immaculate Bridegroom, our Lord Jesus Christ, the Only Begotten Son, the Word of the Father 48.

3. Analysis: Syrian communities in Egypt

The inscriptions and their historical context discussed above serve as a reliable confirmation of the prominent position of the "Monastery of the Syrians" - Deir al-Suryan - in the history of close relations between the two Sister Churches, Egypt and Syria. They are not only relevant to the history of official relations, but also very informative for the history of the Syrian Christian community in Egypt as a whole, both within and outside the monastery.

3.1. Syrians from Tikrit

The first significant issue that makes sense to consider in this context is the question of the regional origin of the Syriac Christians of Egypt. Three of the four inscriptions listed above are related in some way to the city of Tikrit on the Tigris. Indeed, much attention has been paid to the Tikrit community in studies of the history of Deir al-Suryan. In the eighth century. they formed a settlement in al-Fustat (or Misra, i.e. Old Cairo), where they had two churches. 49
It was believed that Syrians from Tikrit (in particular, one of their prominent representatives, Maruta bar Habbyb) acquired the monastery that became Deir al-Suryan, as Evelyn White believed, around uy. Other researchers were skeptical about such an early date, and later Karel Inneme and Luca Van Rompuy completely refused to recognize the historicity acquisitions of the monastery by the people of Tikrit 50. This, of course, does not negate their special ties with the monastery, and their presence in the monastery is very important.-

48. Evetts, B. T. A. History of the Patriarchs, I ii, p. 218 (Patrologia Orientalis I, p. 482).

49. Fiey, J. - M. "Coptes et Syriaques", p. 326. Fie points to two churches built in 685 and 705.

50. Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L. "La presence des Syriens", pp. 191 - 193.

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The al-Fustat incident is well documented in the ninth century.51 With regard to the beginning of the eleventh century, it should be noted that several Syriac manuscripts mention a certain Abu Al-Zakariya, the head of the Tikrit people in 1005-1006. 52 On the other hand, it must be admitted that neither Egyptian (whether Coptic or Arab) nor Syrian historical sources contain any reports of settlement by immigrants from the area. Tikrit within Cairo. One might even say that these sources hardly give any information about the Syrian communities here at all.53 The only explicit mention of the Syrian community in the "History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria" is found in the "Life" of the 67th Patriarch Kirill (Cyrillus) II, which was compiled by Mawhub ibn Mansur ibn Mufarrij. He reports that the vizier and military commander Badr al-Jamal, an Armenian by birth, ordered a group of Syrians (Suryan) to evacuate the al-Husainiyya area. In the twelfth century. Abu Salih/Abu'l-maqarim shortened Mawhub's account, and his reference to the Syrian community appears to be" a large gathering of Syrians " (gama'a kablra min as-Suryan).54 Badr al-Jamali needed this territory to house the Armenian military units that he had ordered from Syria to Egypt to save the Fatimid caliphate in Cairo from complete collapse. The Syrians, in the person of their representative, Ibn al-Tawil, appealed to Badr al-Jamali with a demand that a new church be provided to them as compensation for the eviction from the al-Husayniyyah area. The vizier ordered the Coptic patriarch to cede the unused church in Deir al-Khandak (now Anba Ruwais)to the Syrians.55
51. Relevant information is found in the colophons of Syriac manuscripts. They report, for example, that in the IX century. Moses of Nisibis brought three books from Mesopotamia for the Syrian church in Fustat, and a certain Shem'on bar Kuryakus from Tikrit presented the book to the church of the Tikrians in the same city. См. Evelyn White, H. G. The Monasteries of the Wadi'n Natrun, II, 312.

52. Ibid.

53. Surprisingly, this is also true of the aforementioned Syrian Patriarch Dionysius of Tellmahr, who in his notes on his trip to Egypt does not mention anything about the presence of the Syrian community there. Fiey, J. - M. "Coptes et Syriaques", p. 323.

54. Tarih al-Kanais, I, fol. 113b, 116a; cp. Fiey, J. - M. "Coptes et Syriaques", p. 329.

55. Atiya, A. S. [et al.] History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, II iii, pp. 225 - 226; пер.: pp. 355 - 356; Den Heijer, J. (1999) "Considerations sur les communautes chretiennes en Egypte fatimide: l'Etat et l'Eglise sous le vizirat de Badr al-Jamali (1074-

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H. J. Evelyn White wonders if these Syrians can be identified as Tikrians 56. Fiye subscribes to this idea, but he justifies it with the erroneous assumption that the Tikrit people lived in a quarter called al-Hasaniyyah, which was located near Fumm al-Khalij, near Old Cairo, and which must have had a Syrian church. 57
Although "al-Husayniyyah" may indeed be a copyist's mistake, instead of "al-Hasaniyyah", the opposite is much more likely in this case, since al-Husayniyyah was located just outside the new gates and walls that Badr al-Jamali built around the Fatimid capital. 58 This is probably the reason why he wanted his own Armenian army to be stationed there. In other words, the idea that the late eleventh-century Syriac community led by Ibn al-Tawil was a community of descendants of an earlier Tikrit settlement is not supported by any reliable evidence. The only remote indication of the presence of Tikritans in Egypt at the end of the eleventh century, as far as I can see, is the mention of the name of Mar Juhannan, Maphrian Tagrit, in the inscriptions of Dionysius V and Cyril II.59
3.2. Syrian Christians in Egypt

It is appropriate to make a few comments here on the situation of Syriac Christians in Egypt as a whole, regardless of whether they belong to a particular region. When Patriarch Anastasius, in his synodal epistle, which we have quoted above, set the tone by saying that "Alexandria and Antioch have become one Church," this was not just a rhetorical device, but rather a reflection of reality, including with an institutional expression: Syrians living in Egypt could have a common church.-

1094)", in Barrucand, M. (ed.) L'Eglise Fatimide, son art et son histoire. Actes du colloque organise a Paris les 28, 29 et 30 mai 1998. Paris: Presses de l'Universite de Paris-Sorbonne, pp. 569 - 578 (особ. pp.574 - 575).

56. Evelyn White, H. G. The Monasteries of the Wadi'n Natrun, II, 312.

57. Fiey, J. - M. "Coptes et Syriaques", pp. 327 - 328.

58. See, for example, Sayyid, A. F. (1998) La Capitale de I'Egypte jusqu'a Vepoque fatimide. Al-Qahira et Fustat. Essai de reconstitution topographique, p. 185, Fig. 8. Beirut: Orient-Institut der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Wissenschaft; Stuttgart: in Kommission bei Franz Steiner Verlag.

59. See section 2.4 above.

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They also had their own churches that served in the Syriac way, even though they had never had a bishop there. Speaking of a more recent period, Bulus Karali claimed that the Syrians did not have a bishop out of respect for the Coptic patriarch and out of trust that he would take care of them as he takes care of the Copts, since these two communities are "one confession (madhab), although they differ in their religion." 60. A concrete example of such unity in the period under review can be found in the biography of Patriarch Christodoulos. In the middle of the 11th century, a very famous Syrian who lived in Cairo, Abu Bishr, who was the court physician of the Fatimid Caliph al-Mustansir Billah himself, was dissatisfied with the attitude of the Coptic patriarch and wrote a letter of complaint to the Patriarch of Antioch (probably, Yuhannan XI bar Abdun). In response, the Syrian Patriarch refrained from intervening in any way.61 The significance of such relations between the two Patriarchates cannot be overestimated, since relations with other non-Chalcedonian Churches were different: at the same time, around 1080, the Armenians, also non-Chalcedonites, nevertheless had their own head in Egypt.62
It seems that this integration of Syriac Christians into the Coptic community was a kind of reason why we do not find in historical sources any clear identification of a certain Syrian community or group: Syrians are almost always referred to as individuals.63 It is quite possible that in the eyes of Coptic historians, Syrians in Egypt were so numerous and so familiar,

60. Qarali, B. (1928) as-Suryanfi Misr. Beirut: Bayt Sabab, p. 28.

61. Atiya, A. S. [et al.] History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, II iii, pp. 169 - 170; пер.: p. 256.

62. According to the" History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria", the Armenians even had their own patriarch there, but it is unlikely that this was the case in reality. See Den Heijer, J. "Considerations sur les communautes chretiennes", pp. 576-578 and note See also other passages concerning the Armenian Patriarch: Atiya, A. S. [et al.] History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, III i, p. 20; trans.: p. 31 ("the holy, immaculate, pure Armenian Patriarch...") and III i, p. 33; trans.: p. 54 (The 70th Coptic Patriarch, Gabriel ibn Turayk, refused to lay his hand on the new Armenian patriarch when he arrived in Cairo from Atfykh. The context of this passage suggests Gabriel's refusal to recognize the jurisdiction of the Armenian Patriarch in the land of Egypt).

63. Based on the material "The History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria", this issue is considered in the dissertation that is being prepared (2013-2018) within the framework of the above-mentioned project on Coptic-Arabic Historiography (ICAHP). 9): Manhal Makhoul, La branche syrienne de l'historiographie copto-arabe: echanges textuelles et culturelles.

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that it didn't occur to them to label them as a separate community. The integration was so thorough that in many cases nisba (a name indicating an origin) "suryani" could indicate a very remote affiliation, while in linguistic, cultural, and probably also liturgical terms, its bearer could appear to be a Copt.

3.3. Coptic patriarchs of Syrian origin

Observations about the thoroughness of integration are supported by the remarkable fact that at least four "Syrians" (in the sense mentioned in the previous paragraph) were elevated to the highest position in the Coptic Church - the patriarchal throne. This is Damian (35) (576 - 605)64, Simon I (692-700), Afraham ibn Zur'a (977-981), revered by the Copts as having miraculously moved Mount Muqattam, and finally Murkus ibn Zur'a (ibb-1189)65.

4. Conclusion: Integration of Syrians in Egypt

It is quite clear that the above-mentioned thorough integration of Syrians in the Egyptian Church serves as a reliable support for the claims of K. Inneme and L. Van Rompuy on the inter-communal and inter-confessional nature of monastic life in Deir al-Suryan. The fact that the number of Syrian monks there gradually decreased from the end of the XI in 66, and completely disappeared by the XVI in 67, does not mean-

64. Fiey, J. - M. "Coptes et Syriaques", p. 316.

65. For more information about these patriarchs, as well as about the hermit Samuel (see section 2.4 above), see Den Heijer, J. "Les Patriarchs coptes d'origine syrienne".

66. According to Mawhub ibn Mansur ibn Mufarrij in the History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, there were 60 monks in the monastery in 1088 (804 martyrs; Atiya, A. S. [et al.] History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, II ii, p. 160; trans.: p. 242). This number does not agree well with J. - M. Fiey's reference to 70 monks who arrived at the monastery in 1084 (Fiey, J.-M. "Coptes et Syriaques", p. 340, n. 225). Evelyn White, H. G. The Monasteries of the Wadi 'nNatrun, II, 309, considers Mawhub's report to be "the first direct reference to a Syriac monastery in a formal sense." The above message is also given in Fiey (J.-M. "Coptes et Syriaques", p. 360, n. 225) and repeated in Tarih al-Kanais (I, fol. 71a).

67. In 1209 there were 40 monks and the same number - about 1237, in 1516 their number was 43. Around 1500, Mesopotamian connections were added to the influence of Syria and Lebanon. The last Syriac colophon written in the monastery dates from

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It does not necessarily mean that they were slowly but surely leaving the monastery; rather, it also reflects the process by which Syriac Christians, who had long resided in Egypt, were integrated into the mainstream of the Coptic Church over the centuries. As a result, Syrians were often indistinguishable from the general population, which was reflected, in particular, in the fact that in the second half of the 12th century the famous Arab-Muslim geographer Yaqut did not explicitly identify them as an ethnic component of the Egyptian population.68 In this regard, it is worth noting that Coptic chroniclers begin to mention the Syrians as a community only in the XIX century.69 By then, the term could refer to Greek Catholics, Syro-Catholics, and Maronites who had immigrated to Egypt at various stages since the seventeenth century, had their own churches and hierarchies, and often had a fairly high status, especially in trade and international relations. Although these groups remained minorities, they outnumbered the Syro-Orthodox, 70 who were apparently well-integrated into the Coptic segment of Egyptian society.

Translated from English by Nikolai Seleznev

1634. In 1636/7, Deir al-Suryan was inhabited only by Coptic monks (Fiey, J.-M. "Coptes et Syriaques", pp. 323 - 326, 340 - 346, 356 - 359; Innemee, K. C., Van Rompay, L., "La presence des syriens", pp. 190 - 191). B XIX century biographer of the 112th Patriarch Kirill wrote: "And the second is the monastery of the Virgin, known as the monastery of the Syrians (as-Suryan), and it was so named because it was previously inhabited by several Coptic and Syrian monks, but later not a single Syrian (as-Suryan) remained" (Atiya, A. S. [et al.] History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, III Hi, p. 183; trans.: p. 327).

68. " As for the inhabitants of the land of Egypt, they are a mixture of people of different genera - Copts, Romans, Arabs, Berbers, Kurds, Deylamites, Armenians, Ethiopians and other genera and races (agnas), although the bulk of them (gumhurahum) are Copts." Wiistenfeld, F. (Hrsg.) (1869) Jacut's geographisches Worterbuch. Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, Bd. IV, s. 551.

69. The biography of the 108th Patriarch, Mark VIII (1796-1809), contains a passage about the consequences of Napoleon's departure in 1801 for Christians in Cairo, "without distinguishing between a Copt (al-kibti), a Syrian (al-suri), and a Frank (al-ifranji)" (Atiya, A. S. [et al.] History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, III iii, p. 171; trans.: p. 300). About his successor, Peter VII (1809-1852), there is a tradition that he performed the prayer that miraculously caused the flood of the Nile, after the prayers of Muslims, Jews, Greeks (Rum), Syrians (suriyyun) and Franks remained inactive (Ibid., p. 173; trans.: pp. 306 - 306).

70. Philipp, T. (1985) The Syrians in Egypt 1725 - 1775 (Berliner Islamstudien, 3). Stuttgart: Steiner-Verlag, p. 56.

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