The creation of a continent - wide organization, the African Union (AU), opens up new opportunities for developing Russia's relations with African countries. The formation of the AU is an important step towards the implementation of the concept of African unity in modern conditions. An analysis of the founding documents and activities of the new pan-African organization shows that African leaders are much more determined to follow the path of uniting the continent's political and economic forces, and to speak with one voice on the world stage in order to ensure Africa's rightful place in the emerging new world order.

More than 40 years ago, the concept of African unity was actively promoted by the then President of Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah, who advocated the creation of a "United States of Africa" with a single government and a single army. However, at that stage, the matter was limited to the creation in 1963 of the Organization of African Unity, which united the independent States of Africa. In the following decades, political and economic life in Africa developed mainly within the framework of individual States or, at best, regional associations, while the OAU was mainly just a venue for discussions between the leaders of these countries, primarily on issues of decolonization and the peaceful settlement of inter-State differences.¹

At the same time, by the end of the 1990s, the need for closer and more effective political and economic integration of the continent became increasingly clear. Radical political and socio-economic changes at the turn of the XX and XXI centuries. both on the continent and in the world as a whole, the emergence of new challenges required an adequate response from Africans. So the idea of reorganizing the OAU and creating the African Union was born. It is intended to be a full-fledged response to the challenges that the African continent faced at the end of the 20th century, namely, the threats of marginalization of African States in the process of globalization, further deepening of poverty, intra-African armed conflicts, and socio-political stagnation.

There were heated discussions among African leaders about the competence of the new association, its structure, principles and methods of operation. Ultimately, the AU as it stands today has become, as it was 45 years ago, a rather unstable compromise between "maximalists"and " minimalists". The role of the main "maximalist" was played by the Libyan leader Muammar Kad-

The article was prepared with the support of the Russian Humanitarian Science Foundation. Contest "Image of Russia in the modern World" 2006. Project No. 06-01-02098a.

¹ The results of the activities of the OAU, as well as the first steps of the AU, were analyzed in the article by Yu. V. Potemkin " The African Union: an eventual reality or a waste of time?" [Vostok (Oriens), 2003, pp. 96-109].

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dafi. When he proposed the creation of the African Union at the OAU summit in Algiers in July 1999, he insisted that the new union should take the form of a "United States of Africa" with legislative, executive, financial and economic bodies with broad supranational powers, and a unified armed force. But such bold and decisive proposals were not supported by the majority of African leaders.

A comparative analysis of the Founding Act of the AU, approved at the OAU Summit in Lome (Togo) in July 2000 and entered into force in May 2001, and the Statute of the OAU allows us to determine the extent to which the new organization retains continuity from the OAU and what their differences are. Already in the first lines of this Act, it is declared that the heads of State and Government of African countries, when adopting it, "are inspired by the noble ideas that guided the founding fathers of our continental organization and generations of pan-Africanists in their desire to promote unity, solidarity, cohesion and cooperation between the peoples of Africa and African States" [Constitutional Act, 2001, p. 3].

Like the OAU, the new Union declares its mission to " protect the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of its member States." However, the Founding Act refers not only to "sovereign equality", but also to the "interdependence of the member States" of the AU. African leaders recorded the right of a member of the organization to request "Union intervention in order to restore peace and security" [Constitutional Act, p. 5] Moreover, the Act provides for the right of the AU to: based on the decision of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government adopted by two-thirds of the votes, on direct (including armed) intervention in the affairs of a Member State when special circumstances arise on its territory, such as war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. A fundamentally new provision of the Charter, reflecting the changes in the international situation, was the condemnation and refusal to recognize governments that came to power unconstitutionally [Constitutional Act, p. 12]. Both of these provisions reflect the historical experience of independent African States, where coups d'etat, bloody civil wars, and even genocide have taken place.

As a separate item in the Act, "assistance to the maintenance of peace, security and stability on the continent" is singled out [Constitutional Act, p.4]. The principle of "respect for the State borders of the organization's members that existed at the time of their independence", inherited by the AU from the OAU, is also aimed at preserving peace. Since the borders between African states, as a rule, were established as a result of the colonial division of the continent without taking into account the ethnic factor and natural boundaries, in the context of an escalating struggle for resources, there is still a danger of inciting inter-ethnic conflicts and territorial disputes by external forces, in particular multinational companies, and local elites.

Changes also occurred in the organizational structures of the continental association. The name of the organization itself and its bodies clearly draw an analogy with the European Union. The highest executive body of the AU is called the Commission, and not the General Secretariat, as was the case in the OAU, and the post of its head is the Chairman of the Commission, as in the EU, and not the Secretary General. A significant difference from the OAU is the creation, along with the pre-existing Assembly of Heads of State and Government and the Executive Council (which replaced the Council of Ministers), of an All-African Parliament and an African Court of Human and Peoples ' Rights. Together with the establishment of the Parliament, the democratic nature of the AU structures should reflect the Council on Economic, Social Policy and Culture, since this advisory body includes representatives not only of Governments, but also of non-governmental organizations and professional groups. This is Integra-

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Specialized technical committees formed by the Assembly, as well as the African Central Bank, the African Monetary Fund, and the African Investment Bank should contribute to this process [Constitutional Act, p. 9].

Thus, the founders of the AU put issues of political and economic integration of the continent's countries at the forefront, in order to jointly "confront the diverse challenges" that Africa faces in the light of "social, economic and political changes taking place in the world" [Constitutional Act, p.3].

At the same time, the organizational and power capacity of the administrative structures of the African Union does not always correspond to the nature of new tasks and still remains blurred in many crucial positions, deprived of the necessary binding powers. And thus, the danger of turning the AU into a helpless "trade union of heads of state", which in the last years of its existence has become the OAU, is not completely excluded.

* * *

In the past six years of its existence, the AU has made major efforts in the following main areas: forming working bodies, resolving conflicts, and mobilizing international resources for implementing integration projects. The first years of the AU's existence, of course, do not give grounds to draw any final conclusions about how effectively the mechanisms being created can contribute to achieving the goals and integration of the continent's countries. It should be noted, however, that the AU faced certain difficulties from its first practical steps.

Even at their meeting in Lusaka in 2001, African leaders failed to agree in advance on the candidacy of the new Secretary-General of the OAU, who was supposed to lead the practical work of transforming it into the AU. Then, when the AU was institutionalized in 2002, an Acting Chairman of the Commission was elected, for a period of only one year. Only at the next summit, held in Maputo, the capital of Mozambique, in 2003, did the representative of Mali, Alpha Umar Konare, become the head of the AU Commission, without the prefix acting, and the representative of Rwanda, Patrick Mazimhaka, became his deputy [Summary of the Election..., 2003, p.1].

The election of the former President of Mali as head of the Executive Commission was positively received both in Africa and abroad. A prominent African intellectual and the author of many books on African history, he was twice democratically elected President of Mali, and after the expiration of the term stipulated by the country's constitution, he did not cling to power. Heading in 1999-2000. Economic Community of West African Countries (ECOWAS), Konare actively advocated not only economic, but also political integration of the region until the creation of the" federal Republic of West Africa " [Profile..., 2005, p.1].

In addition to the Commission's Chairman and Vice-Chairman, eight members (commissioners) were elected, including five women, which should clearly reflect the desire to strengthen their role in the political life of Africa. Thus, the Commission consists of ten members, two from each region of Africa. The distribution of their responsibilities is as follows:

* Peace and security - Said Djinnit (Algeria),

* Political affairs - Ms. Julia Dolly Joyner (Gambia),

* Infrastructure and energy - Bernard Zoba (Congo-Brazzaville),

* Social affairs - Ms. Biens Philomina Gavagas (Namibia),

* Human resources, science and technology - Ms. Nagiya Mohamed Assayed (Libya),

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* Trade and industry - Ms. Elizabeth Tanki (Cameroon),

* Agriculture - Ms. Rosebud Kurwijila (Tanzania),

* Economic affairs - Maxwell Mkwezalamba (Malawi).

The highest official of the AU is its President, who is elected by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government for a two-year term.

The permanent Peace and Security Council (SMB) [Protocol..., 2002] is the body whose activities should ensure in practice measures to achieve stability in Africa. The creation of this body was "missed" when the Constituent Act was adopted, but it provided for the possibility of creating "other bodies" by the decision of the Assembly of the AU, which was done in relation to the SMB. The Protocol on the establishment of the SMB was adopted at the first Conference of Heads of State and Government of the AU in July 2002 in Durban (South Africa). In practice, it was only introduced in May 2004, and the criteria for selecting "wise men" are still being developed [Conversation with J. Mugumya, 2006].

The SMB is responsible for taking preventive measures in accordance with the conditions set out in the Constituent Act and other documents of the AU to prevent the emergence of conflict situations and conflicts themselves; to take necessary actions to end emerging conflicts, including the deployment of peacekeeping missions; to recommend to the Assembly of Heads of State of the AU to intervene by force on behalf of the war crimes, acts of genocide, crimes against humanity; declare sanctions against the State where the unconstitutional overthrow of the Government is taking place; implement measures aimed at preventing and combating terrorism; ensure interaction and cooperation with regional peacekeeping centers, the UN, and other international organizations. The Protocol on the establishment of the SMB does not contain a norm on the binding nature of decisions taken by this body for all AU States, but only states that "the AU member countries agree to call for and implement the decisions of the Peace and Security Council in accordance with the Constituent Act" [Conseil..., 2005, p.26].

To ensure that the SMB functions are performed, it creates a group of "wise men", a continental rapid warning system, an African permanent readiness force, a special peace fund, and a staff committee [Protocol..., 2002, pp. 17-21]. The SMB consists of 15 members, ten of whom are elected for a two - year term and five for a three-year term [Protocol..., 2002, p. 8]. It is established that among the SMB members, three people should be representatives of Central Africa, three-East Africa, two-North Africa, three-South Africa and four - West Africa. Decisions in the SMB are made on procedural issues by a simple majority, on the rest-by two-thirds of votes. Thus, the system of formation and rules of functioning of the SMB significantly differ from its "global counterpart" - the UN Security Council. There are no permanent members, no veto power, and no absolute binding decisions. Nevertheless, it is important to emphasize that for the first time, a departure from the "sacred" principle of non-interference in its internal affairs is allowed in some cases.

Initially, it was assumed that the African Permanent Readiness Force (AFDF) would be formed by the end of June 2004, but this date was postponed to 2010.The AFDF should consist of five brigades with a total number of 20 thousand people, deployed respectively in the northern, southern, eastern, western and central regions of Africa. The headquarters of these forces, whose commander in 2005 was appointed Nigerian General Ishaiya Hassan, is being established in Addis Ababa [People's Daily..., 17.1.2006].

The creation of another major AU body, the Pan - African Parliament (UAP), was also slow. Although a protocol defining its powers, functions, and composition,

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adopted unanimously by the AU members, only 18 out of 53 states ratified it in the first year, which led to the failure of the decision to convene the first meeting of the AU before January 31, 2004. Such a meeting was held only in March in Addis Ababa, because at that time there was still a struggle between a number of countries applying for the place of its stay. It was only in October 2004 that he started working in South Africa, and the seat of the VAP was Midrand, halfway between the official capital of this country - Pretoria and the economic capital - Johannesburg. Gertrude Mongella of Tanzania was elected Chair of the first session of the UAP. The composition of this parliament, which so far has only advisory functions, was formed by the national parliaments of the AU member States, which sent the same number of members each. It is assumed that after five years of operation, the UAP will acquire legislative functions (similar to the current European Parliament)and its members will be directly elected by citizens of African countries. For comparison, we can say that such a procedure for electing the European Parliament was established only after 25 years.

Like other AU bodies, the Pan-African Parliament faced financial difficulties. It came to the point that the holding of the regular session of the UAP in October 2006 was called into question. It opened only a month later with the participation of Nelson Mandela, who supported the creation of the" Pan-African Parliament Trust Fund", designed to become an additional source of funds, in addition to contributions from member countries, necessary for the activities of the UAP. It is assumed that contributions to it will come from the "corporate sector", i.e. from private companies [Pan-African Parliament, 2006]. In addition, the fund will be replenished from sources outside the African continent: for example, immediately after its establishment, Germany contributed $ 0.5 million to it. As for the African Court, its judges were appointed only in July 2006, and to date it has not yet started working on a permanent basis in Arusha (Tanzania).

It seems that such delays in the start of the functioning of AU bodies, which were unanimously voted for by the leaders of African countries, are caused not only and not so much by problems with financing and logistical support or bureaucratic delays, but by the fear of many of them to "tie their hands".

* * *

The formation of the AU takes place in an environment of incessant international conflicts and civil wars. In the 1990s, the old "demons of war and violence" became more active and new ones were awakened: interethnic and religious wars, unconstitutional coups d'etat; the growth of terrorism and religious integrism, illegal arms trade; the intensification of drug addiction and organized crime. In 2006, in the fifth year of the African Union's existence, nine African countries were in an area of armed conflict or acute internal political instability with widespread violence.

The African Union is more active and energetic than the OAU in seeking an end to conflicts and a peaceful political settlement of contradictions. In particular, the Union's contribution to the achievement of progress in the peaceful settlement in Burundi, DRC, and Somalia is significant. According to the decision of the African Union and African regional associations, African peacemakers were sent (usually in cooperation with the UN) to Burundi, Somalia (1.7 thousand troops, July 2005), Ivory Coast (1300 people, September 2002), Liberia (3500 people, August 2003), Sudan (3500 people, 2004).

Nevertheless, the UN Security Council retains a leading role in promoting the peace process. Of course, the lack of material and financial resources, organizational and military experience affects the Africans. But other factors also influence: the fear of violating the principles of sovereignty and non-interference in foreign affairs.

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internal affairs, the desire of opposing clans to prevent outsiders from "entering their garden" - as well as the fact that internal conflicts are increasingly turning into a profitable business for the "princes of war", a source of enrichment for a considerable number of African adventurers.

The African Union has consistently adhered to decisions condemning unconstitutional coups. Between 1995 and 2006, Africa experienced more than a dozen violent Government shifts. All of them were condemned by the governing bodies of the AU. However, the condemnation was more of a declarative political and diplomatic nature. It did not reach the specific sanctions provided for in the AU's founding documents.

The African Union seeks to focus its main efforts on addressing the challenges of accelerating economic development, especially poverty reduction. To date, practical work in this area has been carried out within the framework of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) program, proclaimed by the AU economic Program. The development of this program was carried out in parallel with the process of transformation of the OAU into the AU, and even ahead of it. The continental development strategy in a globalizing world was initiated by the Presidents of South Africa, Nigeria and Algeria, Thabo Mbeki, Olusegun Obasanjo and Abdelaziz Bouteflika, who were soon joined by Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade. The NEPAD programme was approved at the OAU summit in July 2001. In the same year, the Heads of State and Government Committee for the Implementation of the new programme was launched, and the NEPAD Secretariat was established in Midrand, South Africa. The program was supported by the United Nations, the Group of Eight and leading international financial organizations. Although the first summit of the African Union proclaimed NEPAD as its operational economic program, the fact that it was developed "autonomously", as well as the presence of the Secretariat of this program outside the AU headquarters, does not contribute to the coordination of their activities.

As in the case of the AU, the implementation of the NEPAD programme has already encountered significant obstacles from the very first steps. Thus, some African countries remain suspicious that NEPAD will serve the interests of large African countries with "high international ratings", such as South Africa. In addition, for Western partners, the adoption of the principles of Western-style democracy, "good governance" and a free market in Africa is central to the implementation of this program, and Africans defend their vision of these problems and emphasize the practical assistance of foreign partners in solving the continent's economic and social problems.

Difficulties also arose in the formation of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), which was described as "an instrument of the African self - monitoring mechanism jointly adopted and used with the voluntary consent of each participating country" [38th Ordinary Session..., 2002]. So far, only 27 States have signed up to participate in the APRM, while only Algeria, Gabon, Ghana, Rwanda, Kenya, Mauritius, and South Africa have joined the monitoring process.

Indeed, the AU faces many growth challenges, and continental integration plans often run counter to African realities. The Chairman of the AU Commission himself spoke bitterly about this in an interview with the authors. It is no exaggeration to say that there are now two opposing positions in Africa. Some, especially Gaddafi and Konare, want the Commission to become a truly executive body, a kind of continent-wide government, and that the commissioners should have the powers of "all-African ministers". The essence of the second position is not to give up even partially the sovereign rights to which the state is entitled.-

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* delay, if possible, the expansion and implementation of the AU's supranational powers.

A group led by Obasanjo was established to study the reorganization of the AU staff, and the results of its work were discussed at the AU summits. Discussions there were heated, as the interests of all 53 members of the AU were required to be taken into account. At the 9th AU summit (July 1-4, 2007), Gaddafi's idea to force continental integration and the creation of a unified armed forces of the continent was again rejected. South African President T. Mbeki stated in his speech that the main thing now is the implementation of regional integration plans and conflict resolution [Pulse of the Planet, July 5, 2007, sheet AF-2].

* * *

In terms of its main program goals and in terms of the identified areas of practical activity, the African Union fits into the framework of goals and priorities pursued by Russia in the international arena in general and on the African continent in particular. As it develops as an authoritative political and economic association, and with appropriate efforts from the Russian side, the AU can become an important additional lever for expanding Russia's position and influence on the continent, increasing its international prestige, especially in the zone of the countries of the South.

Vladimir Putin's message to the AU Chairman - President of the Republic of Ghana John Agyekum Kufuor on the occasion of his election as Chairman of the African Union in July 2007 stated:: "Russia highly appreciates the energetic steps taken by the African Union to consolidate efforts to solve the problems facing the continent. The growing involvement of the Pan-African organization in world affairs objectively contributes to strengthening global stability and creating a more balanced system of international relations... We are interested in strengthening diverse cooperation with African States. We also look forward to expanding the dialogue with their most authoritative association, the African Union, across the entire spectrum of relations. " [http://www.kremlin.ru/text/news/2007/02/118621.shtml].

There are both objective and subjective grounds for such cooperation. Russia, overcoming the period of" confusion and vacillation " and having accumulated considerable financial resources in recent years, can find many objects in Africa for their successful application, including in order to provide itself with mineral raw materials, products of tropical agriculture, and expand sales markets for its machine products.

Recent meetings with political figures and scientists that the authors of this article have had in a number of African countries - from Algeria to Zimbabwe-show that most of them are very willing to cooperate with Russia. This fully applies to the management of the AU. In the capital of Ethiopia, where the AU headquarters is located, we met with the Chairman of the AU Commission, Alpha Omar Konare, the Union's Commissioners for Infrastructure and Energy (Bernard Zoba) and for Trade and Industry (Elizabeth Tanki), the Directors of the Peace and Security Departments (Jeffrey Mugumya) and the Political Department (Emil Ongimba). These meetings have shown that this attitude is based primarily on "historical memory", on a high assessment of the role of our country in the decolonization and elimination of racist regimes in Africa, in the development of the economy of independent African States, and especially in the training of highly qualified personnel. It is noteworthy that of these five high-ranking AU leaders, two are graduates of Soviet universities.

At the same time, information about the current Russia in Africa is clearly not enough. It often comes from sources that are unfriendly to our country. This is reflected in the consequences of the collapse of the international information system that previously existed in the USSR. Suffice it to say that even in the city of Addis Ababa, the capital of the African continent, there is not a single Russian office. Moreover, during the talks at the Union's headquarters, many complaints were made about our country.-

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First of all, for not paying enough attention to Africa and its leaders. According to the Chairman of the AU Commission, "there is an opinion in Africa that in the early 90-ies of the last century, Russia abandoned the continent", and even now " Russian-African relations are in the basement, in a warehouse of abandoned furniture. This is not normal, it needs to be changed as quickly as possible." A. Konare rightly believes that "now the situation in Russia has changed for the better, which creates objective conditions for activating Russian-African relations" [Conversation with A. Konare..., 2006].

The fact that Africa was not properly represented at the G8 summit in St. Petersburg was seen as a confirmation of such a harsh assessment in Africa. Indeed, the issue of African leaders ' participation in it has been discussed by both friends and foes of Russia since the beginning of 2006. One of the authors of the article in January of this year, during a lecture at London's Chatham House-the Royal Institute of International Relations, after the audience expressed bewilderment in connection with the statement of the Russian "Sherpa" in the "eight" I. Shuvalov, who spoke shortly before at the same Institute, about the intention to invite only representatives of international organizations to St. Petersburg.

The fact that unlike previous summits in Canada, USA, France, great Britain, and the future of the summit in Germany, in Russia was not invited to the initiators of the NEPAD programme, with the exception of Thabo Mbeki, who, however, believe Africans were not Africa, and the countries of the South as a whole, together with the leaders of Brazil, India and some other countries. The AU Chairman, President of the Republic of Congo D. Sassou-Nguesso, was allegedly invited there at the last moment and then "under pressure from other Russian partners in the G8", and the AU Commission Chairman himself was not invited, while both top officials from the European Union were at the summit. At the same time, in a conversation with the authors of the article, Konare expressed satisfaction with the meeting with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov held in Addis Ababa, and especially with the invitation of Vladimir Putin to visit Russia that followed [Conversation with A. Konare..., 2006].

In this context, the first visit of the leader of our country to sub - Saharan Africa, South Africa, in 2006, was particularly noteworthy. (Earlier, L. I. Brezhnev visited Tropical Africa, but then he was still in the shadow of N. S. Khrushchev.) However, there is a widespread perception among Africans that South Africa "does not adequately" represent Africa. Regret that Vladimir Putin flew over Tropical Africa without stopping was expressed not only in Angola, where he was expected, but also at the AU headquarters.

In any case, this visit gives grounds to believe that a new, more dynamic stage in the development of Russian-African relations is beginning, and the strengthening of our country's ties with the African Union can contribute to this.

It seems that cooperation with Africa and the organization that unites its countries are also important for Russia.

In the political sphere, Russian-African relations can play a significant role in countering the aspirations of certain groups of countries to isolate Russia. 53 states of the continent are members of the UN, where Russia and Africa cooperate fruitfully, and their cooperation should become even closer. In addition, Africans have 30% of the seats in the Organization of the Islamic Conference, 2/3 of all Arabs live in Africa, so the problems of the Middle East region cannot be solved without contacts with the African continent. Along with the intensification of bilateral contacts, it would be useful (as the AU leaders told us) to create a platform for joint discussion of cooperation issues and actions on the world stage, for example, in the form of the Africa-Russia dialogue.

The AU leadership is also interested in expanding cooperation with Russia on ensuring peace and security in Africa. Our country is already a member of the "Group of Partners" that supports the African Union in these matters, but it is still mostly limited to the role of an observer.

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Cooperation in the development of natural resources is extremely important. Russia and Africa account for 70-80% of all the world's resources, including biogenetic resources, fresh water and mineral resources.

This also applies to our cooperation in the energy and transport sectors. Thus, commenting on the list of economic and social projects included in the Short-term Action Plan of NEPAD (it consists of 112 items, including 20 priority projects), AU Commissioner B. Zoba (by the way, he himself is a graduate of MIITa) highlighted the Great Inga project on the Congo River, referring to the experience of building hydroelectric power plants and Power lines in Russia [Conversation with B. Zoba..., 2006]. However, it should be borne in mind that only companies from countries that are members of the African Development Bank (ADB) are allowed to participate in tenders for such projects. Therefore, without Russia joining the bank, participation in NEPAD projects, most of which are financially supported by international organizations and "donor" countries, is unrealistic.

Cooperation in the field of education and science can gain a new impetus if the university and the United African States Foundation are established, which the current Chairman of the AU Commission would like to do directly.

But it seems that work in all these areas can be fruitful only under two conditions. First of all, the Russian state and society must finally take up the task of eliminating all forms of racism, from the hooligan antics of young people to the obscene jokes of TV comedians. And secondly, it is high time to develop a respectful attitude towards Africa, to get rid of paternalism, of "artificial great power". Inadequate attitudes towards Africa are clearly reflected in a lack of knowledge of both the continent's potential and realities. So, they say that it is" incorrect " to compare Russia and Africa, because they have too different political culture and practice. However, you can and should compare them. Moreover, such a comparison is not always in favor of Russia. To give just one example, the role of women in public administration is now considered to be the most important criterion of political culture, the degree of democracy in society, and the maturity of political practice all over the world. In South Africa, for example, women hold the posts of Deputy President, Speaker of the National Assembly, and 11 ministers. Of the ten provincial premiers, five are women. And in the AU, five out of ten members of the Commission are women. And in our country, and in developed Western countries?

Thus, the expansion of Russian-African relations can be the result of joint efforts of both Africans and Russians.

list of literature

Interview with J. Mugumya, Director of the AU Department of Peace and Security, Addis Ababa, 4 October 2006

Interview with A. Konare, Chairman of the AU Commission, Addis Ababa, 9 October 2006

Interview with B. Zoba, AU Commissioner, Addis Ababa, 9 October 2006

38th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU: African Peer Review Mechanism (http://www.au2002.gov.za/docs/summit_council/aprm.htm)

African Union. Peace and Security Council. Modalities for the Election of Members of the Peace and Security Council [б.м., б.г.].

Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union (http://www.africa-union.org/root/au/organs/psc/Protocol_peace%20and%20securitv.pdf )

Conseil de la Paix et de la Securite. Addis-Ababa. 2005.

Constitutive Act (http://www.arrica-union.org/root/au/AboutAU/Constitutive_Act_en.htm)

People's Daily Online, 17.01.2006 (english.people.com.cn/200601/17/eng20060117_235958.html)

Pan-African Parliament (http://www.pan-african-parliament.org/PAPTrustFund.htm: http://www.pan-african-par-liament.org/papnews.htm#MANDELA13NOV2006)

Profile: African Union's new boss (http//www.news..co.uk. 2003.07.25).

Result of election: Commissioners of the Commission of the AU (http://www.au2003.gov.mz/maputodocs/electcom-ms.htm; http://news.africast.com/article.php7newsID=49662&strRegion = East)

Summary of the elections of the Chairperson and Deputy Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union, 11 July 2003 (http://www.au2003.gov.mz/media_realeases/110703elect.htm)

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