The second readings in memory of the founder and first director of the Institute of Africa of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor I. I. Potekhin (1903-1964), held on October 1, 2008 at the Institute of Africa of the Russian Academy of Sciences, have a brief but informative background. On October 1-2, 2003, the Institute held a scientific conference dedicated to the 100th anniversary of I. I. Potekhin (see: Man on the background of the Continent, Moscow, 2005; Vostok (Oriens). 2004. N 1). It served as a model for the structural construction of the first (October 1, 2006) and second readings.

At the morning session of the readings, reports were heard on the scientific activities and contribution of I. I. Potekhin to the development of Russian African studies.

The subject of S. M. Shlenskaya's report (Institute of Africa) is the scientific diary of I. I. Potekhin, which he kept on a business trip to Tanganyika from June 19 to July 6, 1962 for "studying the peasant land community". The object of the study was three regions: the western one, which was dominated by subsistence farming; the lake one, which was dominated by cotton as an export crop; and the northern one, which was dominated by coffee as the main export crop. The main method of I. I. Potekhin is a survey of community members in villages. He was interested in the composition of the family as an economic unit, the size of family allotments, the conditions of land ownership and land use, the availability of livestock, specialization and profitability of farms.

In 27 typewritten pages of the report on the business trip, I. I. Potekhin managed to contain information concerning the socio-political, economic and everyday life of Tanganyika. He described rural natural landscapes, the structure of traditional housing, the organization of the production process in peasant farms, the composition and structure of cooperatives. In cities, he was interested in architecture, the structure and activities of municipal councils, joint-stock companies with Indian and African capital, the system of separate education for Europeans, Africans and Indians. I. I. Potekhin told about the D. Livingston Museum, the King George V Museum (now the National Museum of Tanzania); about a trip to Bogamoyo, a major city in the past. the Slave Trade Center; about visiting the Dar es Salaam College and the Tanganyika Society. In addition, the scientist described the structure of the TANU party, the place and role of the Indian community in Tanganyika at that time. The diary also reflects what is now called gender issues. Even in the process of long journeys (only by train more than 2 thousand people). he continued to work actively, making sketches about the operation of railway transport, the range of goods sold at stations, and so on.

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As a result, the reader gets a vivid, vivid, authentic and memorable picture created in just 17 days. The systematic approach of the scientist, his curiosity, scientific meticulousness is striking. The scientific diary of I. I. Potekhin stored in the library of the Institute of Africa is a precious grain of his creative heritage, which is still of great scientific, applied and methodological importance.

A. B. Letnev (Institute of Africa) made a report "I. I. Potekhin and the main tasks of studying African history". He noted that I. I. Potekhin developed a program for studying African history and took part in its implementation at the turn of the 1950s - 1960s. The program was based on two postulates. First, the restoration of the truth about the past of the peoples of Africa, freeing the continent's history from falsifications. I. I. Potekhin emphasized the need to simultaneously develop five major topics: the ethnogenesis of the peoples of Africa; the history of the great migrations on the continent; the history of the slave trade; the peculiarities of African feudalism; and the history of the struggle of Africans against colonization. He paid considerable attention to foreign archival funds, which at that time were difficult for us to access. He attached particular importance to interdisciplinarity and complexity, considering it the key to the success of historical research.

Looking at this extensive program half a century later, we can say that there could not have been a better creative guide for the post-war generation of researchers of African history. Despite the skeptics and open opponents of this program, the study of the African past in our country was carried out in line with the tasks outlined by I. I. Potekhin. It is important to note that not only the staff of the Institute of Africa, but also their colleagues from other academic institutions and university departments quickly joined in the implementation of this program.

The Potekhinsky program of studying African history, designed for a long-term perspective, has largely withstood the test of time and remains largely relevant to this day.

E. V. Morozenskaya (Institute of Africa) in her report "The Economy of Colonial Africa in the Works of I. I. Potekhin and his contemporaries" noted that I. I. Potekhin proceeded from the need for an integrated approach to the study of Africa. He also combined historical, ethnographic, and economic aspects in his research, beginning with his 1939 dissertation, " The History of Agrarian Relations in South Africa." In subsequent works, he repeatedly returned to this topic, developed the idea of a non-capitalist path of development for African countries, in particular, in the book "Africa Looks to the Future"published in 1960. Already in the 1930s, I. I. Potekhin and his colleagues E. Schiik, G. E. Gerngros, A. Z. Zusmanovich, and I. P. Yastrebova laid the foundations of Russian economic African studies.

The study of the African economy continued in the 1950s and 1960s, either as part of country studies or as part of an analysis of the activities of Western metropolises in African colonies. A bizarre combination of objective analysis of African reality and ideological dogmas was characteristic of Russian science in the 1930s-1960s. The main conclusions of economic research turned out to be ambiguous-from the recognition of the hopelessness of economic dependence and the backwardness of African countries in the world capitalist economy to the idea of the emergence of elements of economic independence within the framework of dependence.

P. I. Kupriyanov (Institute of Africa) made a report "I. I. Potekhin and the study of the agrarian question in Africa". In 1933, I. I. Potekhin published the article "Agricultural Workers in the Union of South Africa"; in 1939, he defended his PhD thesis "History of Agricultural Relations in South Africa". Subsequently, a number of his works appeared, which aroused great interest and wide discussion among African scholars. These are the articles "On feudalism in Ashanti" (1960), "Land relations in African countries" (1962). At the initiative of I. I. Potekhin and under his direct supervision, the monograph "The Agrarian question and the peasantry in Tropical Africa" (1964) was written, which still remains the best, according to the speaker, fundamental work on this problem on the African continent. His works were distinguished by a clear statement of the problem, a clear presentation of the material and a convincing argumentation of scientific conclusions. One may or may not agree with them, but his contribution to the study of the agrarian question in Africa, especially in sub-Saharan Africa, is undeniably significant.

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The report of R.N. Ismagilova (Institute of Africa) was devoted to the study of the ethnic problems of Africa in the USSR before 1960. Many of them have not been solved to this day and continue to have a significant impact on the current ethno-political situation on the continent. During Africa's struggle for independence, both scientists and politicians clearly overestimated the level of integration processes. At the same time, the degree of decomposition of tribal relations, the rejection of tribal identity, tribal social and political institutions were exaggerated.

The aggravation of socio-economic contradictions in African states has led to a significant strengthening of ethnic identity, a return to the former tribal values, the preservation of remnants of domestic slavery, the hierarchy of clans, and the attitude towards certain types of crafts as humiliating professions. Various colonial systems - indirect administration in English - speaking countries, direct administration in French - speaking countries, and the policy of assimilation in Portuguese-have left a serious imprint on all the further ethno-cultural development of African peoples.

Famous Soviet scientists D. A. Olderogge and I. I. Potekhin made a great contribution to the study of ethnic problems in Africa. They not only began to explore these complex issues, but also created a new direction in African studies, educated students and followers. One of the most important works in this area was I. I. Potekhin's monograph "Formation of the national community of the South African Bantu" (1955). The most significant work that summarized the research of Soviet Africanists in the 1940s - 1950s and foreign African studies was the volume "Peoples of Africa" from the series "Peoples of the World", published by the Institute of Ethnography of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Despite the fact that this book was published in 1954, it still has not lost its significance not only for the wealth of factual material, but also for the formulation of a number of important problems, including in the field of ethno-social development.

N. V. Gromova (MSU ISAA) noted that although teaching and learning of Geez, Amharic and Coptic languages began in pre-revolutionary Russia, the formation of Russian African linguistics occurred in the 30s of the XX century, when D. A. Olderogge, who studied Swahili and Hausa languages in the seminar of German Professor Westerman, began to teach these languages. languages in Leningrad. In 1934, the first African Studies department was opened at Leningrad State University. In addition to D. A. Olderogge, N. V. Yushmanov, I. L. Snegirev, T. L. Tyutryumova and others studied African philology in Leningrad. In Moscow, the first Africanists began studying African languages in 1932. Linguists G. K. Danilov, P. S. Kuznetsov and historians A. Z. Zusmanovich, I. I. Potekhin and others began studying Swahili.

The linguistic section of the African Cabinet of the Research Association for the Study of National and Colonial Problems initiated the first Meeting on African Languages in the history of Russian African Studies in January 1934. In fact, it was the first conference of Africanists. In addition to 11 linguistic reports, three reports on historical topics were presented at the conference, including I. I. Potekhin's report "The Anti-imperialist Movement in African countries". It was decided to publish the materials of the meeting, prepare for publication the collection "Africa, its Peoples and Languages", and draw up a detailed work plan in the field of linguistics and ethnography. However, none of the decisions of the conference were implemented, because in early 1935 G. K. Danilov was dismissed from his job on charges of Trotskyism. The head of the African Cabinet A. Z. Zusmanovich also lost his job, followed by I. I. Potekhin. After the shooting of G. K. Danilov in 1937, the Moscow branch of African philology ceased to exist. Fortunately, the wave of repression did not affect the Leningrad Africanists, who, in 1937, were forced to leave the Soviet Union. the first volume of the collection of works by Africanists "Africana" was published, in 1938 I. L. Snegirev defended the first PhD thesis in Russian African studies, and in 1939 the first students of African studies graduated. Graduates of the LSU Department of African Studies became the first teachers of African languages in Moscow universities in the 1960s.

V. G. Shubin (Institute of Africa) shared his impressions of the works of I. I. Potekhin. The first of them, "Forced labor and advancement in Black Africa", was co-authored with the prominent South African communist Albert Nzula and A. Z. Zusmanovich and published in 1932. The monograph "Formation of a national community of South African Bantu" (1955) can be considered his largest work. I. I. Potekhin's article "Pan-Africans and the Struggle between Two Ideologies" was published in the Kommunist magazine (1964, No. 1) after his death.

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demise. However, in South Africa, the term "pan-Africanism "was used by radical, and essentially reactionary, elements in the African National Congress, who broke away from the ANC and called the organization they created in 1959"Pan-African Congress". Therefore, Potekhin's in-depth analysis of this phenomenon was not only purely scientific, but also of great practical significance.

According to the speaker, the public work of I. I. Potekhin has not been sufficiently studied. In 1959, he became the first chairman of the Soviet Association for Friendship with the Peoples of Africa. In the collection of documents on the history of the MPLA published in Angola, you can find correspondence between Lucio Lara, later one of the top leaders of this country, and I. I. Potekhin on the issue of training young Africans in the USSR.

The flourishing of I. I. Potekhin's scientific and creative activity coincided, according to E. N. Korendyasov (Institute of Africa), with the formation of independent Africa. He was certainly a strong supporter of the real independence of African countries rather than formal independence. However, when reading his works today, it is striking that this position was not devoid of significant nuances, semitones and recognition of the multiple ways to achieve it. I. I. Potekhin focused on the problems of unity and mass character of national liberation movements. He left aside the problems of the content of their official programs, thinking, obviously, that this would be a matter of bargaining both in relations with the mother country and between different currents of independence fighters.

Speaking in favor of expanding cooperation between the national liberation movement and socialist countries, I. I. Potekhin never linked this issue with the goals of spreading socialism and communism, with inter-bloc confrontation. For him, the problem of decolonization was primarily a problem of civilizational progress and universal values. In any case, I. I. Potekhin never spoke out for the "tabula rasa" strategy in the struggle against colonialism and in the post-colonial era.

A. B. Davidson (Institute of General History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) made a report on "The double birth of Soviet African Studies"1 and Yu.M. Kobishchanov (Institute of Africa) made a memoir "Student and graduate student during the creation of the Institute of Africa".

Reports on the history of the birth and formation of independent Africa were presented at the evening session.

I. V. Sledzevsky (Institute of Africa) devoted his report to the evolution of afrocentrism as a specific form of civilizational consciousness (civilizational self-identification). The theme of afrocentrism continues to be discussed and studied in its most diverse historical and modern manifestations: from the early ideas of the exclusivity of the African personality (E. W. Blyden) to the detailed philosophical concepts of the identity of non-African cultures and their connection with the general history of world civilizations (L. Senghor, E. Sezer, F. Fanon, S. A. Diop), from the philosophy of Negritude to cultural trends outside Africa (Rastafari movement, Negriism in Latin American culture) before the political ideas of the African Renaissance. The core of all these manifestations of Afrocentrism is usually considered to be the value elevation of the black race. Accordingly, the cultural and historical concepts of afrocentrism are criticized for the arbitrariness and mythological nature of historical concepts, for their racist and value-speculative background. According to I. V. Sledzevsky, the aggrandizement of the "black race" characteristic of afrocentrism is related not so much to historical knowledge or political (national) consciousness, but to the manifestations of cultural self-identification, the construction of historical memory, historical imagination, etc. e. stereotypes (models) of historical consciousness. The ground for the emergence of afrocentrism was the European model of civilizational consciousness with its rigid opposition "civilization-barbarism", and the main purpose is to root the" black man "in world history, endowing the image of the" irrational"," bestial " Negro created in Eurocentrism with universal positive features. In the context of Afrocentric concepts, an important place is occupied by the idea of a universal civilization, in the formation of which an important and even central role belongs to the peoples of the "Negroid race". With the beginning of the crisis of European civilizational consciousness, the ideas of afrocentrism began to be used in Europe itself for an emphatically harsh criticism of the myths of European civilization.

1 For the text of the report, see: [Vostok (Oriens), 2009, N 1].

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I. V. Sledzevsky noted the growing popularity of the ideas of afrocentrism in the 80s-90s of the XX century. both in African countries, and among the African diasporas in Europe and the black population of the United States. This rise (which took place against the background of a decline in interest in scientific African studies in the leading countries of the West) became the basis of African soil science, an African civilizational consciousness of a cultural and racial type. Under the influence of Afrocentric cultural styles (primarily the youth subculture of rastareggi), afrocentrism expanded into the American and European cultural space. The same style has become a pan-African cultural phenomenon. As a result, Afrocentrism has evolved from its original, purely identifying constructs (negritude, the civilizational unity of the African world, the kinship of African culture and the most ancient civilizations) into a global cultural and communicative structure. At the same time, the speaker noted, globalization opens up new opportunities for the revival of Eurocentrism. This dramatically expands and complicates the space of formation of African (civilizational) historical consciousness. It can become a field of dialogue between different civilizational images of world history and a field of its division, mutual alienation of the African and European cultural worlds. Elements of civilizational dialogue can be found in the ideas of the African Renaissance (the theme of democracy, the formation of values and institutions of civil society on African soil), while the widespread development of African renewal cultural and religious movements (Islamic and Christian) on the continent expands rather a civilizational alternative to the westernization of the continent.

A. N. Moseyko (Institute of African Studies) considered the problem of forming the theory of "Negritude", the founders of which were L. Senghor, Martinicians E. Sezer and R. Menteel, and Guianans L. Damas. This theory affirmed the unity of all Negroid peoples, the commonality of the Negro culture. Genetically, she was associated with the "Harlem Renaissance" movement that emerged in the 1920s in the United States, from which she took the idea of "returning to Africa", rejecting the values of the West and joining specifically African values. Negrityud contrasted the racism of the colonialists with the" anti-racist racism " of blacks, which was partly justified in the course of the struggle against colonialism.

"Negritude" as a concept grew out of the progressive movement for the rehabilitation of the spiritual values of African peoples, the affirmation of the dignity of a person of the Negroid race. In this sense, it became an element of the ideology of the national liberation movement and played a positive role in the struggle of African peoples for independence.

In 1947, in Paris, the first issue of the magazine "Presence Africaine", recognized by the press organ of "Negritude", the first "Anthology of new Negro and Malgash poetry" was published, and J.-P. Sartre's work "Black Orpheus"was prefixed to it in the form of a preface. In the 1960s, the idea of a universal civilization emerged, to which the peoples of the Negroid race should contribute. This idea translates into the concept of the historical mission of the Negroes - to pour hot blood into the flabby veins of white civilization.

The tragedy of the situation faced by African intellectuals - adherents of Negroity-has its roots in their marginality. Essentially proving the exclusivity of the Negro-African man and his natural existence, they themselves have already left this existence, have become" almost " Europeans. This little almost is the crux of the problem. Living in Europe or Africa, imitating European life, they felt like strangers everywhere.

I. T. Katagoshchina (Institute of Africa) made a report on "The role of the African intelligentsia in the national liberation movement". As a new social structure that emerged during the colonial period as a result of close contacts with Western civilization, the African intelligentsia very soon raised its voice in defense of the rights of the autochthonous population. She acted as an ideologue and organizer of the liberation movement. One of its banners at the turn of the XIX - XX centuries was the ideology of pan-Africanism, the most prominent representatives of which were E. Blyden (1832-1912), W. Dubois (1868-1963), D. Padmore (1901-1959). Since the 1930s, the center of gravity of anti-colonial ideology has shifted from general problems to the problems of each of the countries in their specific conditions. The 1940s and 1950s were a period of development of African nationalism within the framework of individual colonies, as well as the formation and development of local societies. The African intelligentsia led national liberation movements to their victorious conclusion in the forms that were dictated by the specific conditions of a particular country.

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It determined the uniqueness of the situation in different regions of Africa, the nature of the struggle itself and the timing of its completion.

War crimes committed by Italian fascists in Ethiopia in 1935-1941 and problems of restitution are the subject of a speech by the Ethiopian scholar Kasae Negusie (RUDN University). On August 30, 2008, an agreement was signed, according to which Italy will pay $ 5 billion to Libya. dol. as compensation for the damage caused to the Libyan people during the years of colonial rule. However, Ethiopia suffered even more from the war crimes of the Italian fascists: it lost access to the sea, suffered great human, economic and environmental losses, etc. After the war, Ethiopia did not receive compensation for territorial, material and human losses, works of art stolen by the Italians, objects of religious and historical value, priceless archives. The question of restitution remains open.

The Liberian historian V. Frederik (RUDN University) focused on some features of the formation of his country. Indeed, the emergence in the first half of the nineteenth century, during the heyday of the theory of racial inferiority of blacks, of an independent African republic built on advanced democratic principles for its time, is surprising. Among the founders of Liberia, in the recent past disenfranchised slaves, a whole galaxy of wise statesmen has emerged. Liberia's founding fathers were brought to Africa by the hope of becoming full citizens and deciding the fate of their own societies. The emergence of Liberia on the political map of the world was very peculiar. It was conceived as a country created specifically to accommodate African-Americans freed from slavery. The idea of such relocation was put forward by a group of influential figures in the United States, who denied the possibility of living together within the borders of one state for whites and African Americans.

The late 1920s and 1930s were marked by two distinctive features in the history of Liberia. It was then that it became clear that the plans to relocate free blacks to Africa could not be fully implemented, since most of them did not want to leave the United States. In addition, it became clear that the US government does not intend to spend significant funds on this. The second feature was the steady increase in the struggle of immigrants for self-government until the proclamation of Liberia as a republic in 1847.

G. M. Sidorova (Institute of Africa) in her report "Participation of Africans in the Second World War" noted that tens of thousands of Africans fought, thousands went through Nazi captivity and concentration camps, their military awards and destinies were in no way inferior to the valor of European soldiers. The establishment of the fascist Vichy regime, the growing confrontation between Marshal Petain and the leader of the "Free France" de Gaulle, the aggravation of the struggle for French possessions in Africa between the German-Italian bloc and the Anglo-American allies-all this extremely complicated the situation in the French colonies, helped to awaken the political and national consciousness of Africans, influenced the definition of their own position in the war. The testimonies of African front-line soldiers eloquently show that the colonial authorities did not care about the morale of African soldiers, nor about their material well-being. Moreover, the legitimate demands of the Africans to equalize their rights with the French soldiers only irritated the military command. The facts of the heroism of African soldiers shown during the Second World War are indisputable and deserve special attention and careful study based on documentary materials.
Yu. N. Vinokurov (Institute of Africa) in his report "The political evolution of the Belgian Congo during the Second World War" noted that the Congolese society of those years was actively influenced by external factors. The occupation of Belgium by Germany in the Congo was perceived as the collapse of the oppressive mother country and the myth of the omnipotence of Belgian colonialism. More than 22 thousand Congolese (soldiers, porters, orderlies) participated in military operations outside the Congo side by side with their brothers on the continent, Asians, Europeans. In the Congo itself, there were military units of the United States and England. All this could not but broaden the horizons of the Congolese people and influence their worldview.

However, the exploitation of the population increased, responding with riots in the troops, strikes in cities, and desertions of peasants from forced "public works". The activity of Afro-Christian sects, both old and new, revived, calling on their adherents to " suppress the Europeans and take power into their own hands." "Evolution" - the educated stratum of society-began to demand their admission to the management of the colony. At the end of the war, the first socio-political circles and politicized ethno-cultural associations appeared. Ad impressions-

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It is significant that the Belgian colony, where anti-colonial protest during the interwar period was limited to a few local peasant uprisings, achieved independence only 15 years after the end of the war.

A. Y. Dyabin (Institute of African Studies) considered the origins of interethnic conflicts that have become an integral part of the current crisis in the Great Lakes region. They largely emerged in the 1930s and 1950s. XX century, during the era of Belgian colonial rule. The conflict includes three groups of contradictions: between Rwandan Tutsis and Hutus; between the Hema and Lendu peoples in the Eastern Province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo; and contradictions related to the Banyamulenge diaspora of Congolese Tutsis living in the provinces of North and South Kivu.

The formation of the first two groups was directly related to the activities of the Belgian administration. Colonial rule also had an indirect impact on the Banyamulenge problem. Despite the dominance of the smaller Tutsis in present-day Rwanda in the sixteenth century, their relations with the Hutus remained relatively peaceful. At the end of the 19th century, the Belgians secured a privileged position for the Tutsis by including them in the system of colonial rule, which led to a sharp deterioration in relations between them. It was the actions of the colonial administration that laid the foundation for inter-ethnic intolerance that led to the 1994 genocide.

Events in Ituri followed a similar scenario. Hema and Lendu co-existed relatively peacefully, even intermarrying. The Belgian administration patronized Hema. The property inequality created and perpetuated by the Belgians worsened relations between the two nationalities. With great financial resources, the Hema gained access to education and positions in post-colonial government. Hema officials did their best to promote their fellow tribesmen, increasingly pushing the Lendu representatives into the background. The protest of the latter led to a bloody massacre that broke out in the Ituri district in an environment of almost complete inaction of the central government, but with active intervention from outside.

Interethnic hostility between Rwandan Hutus and Tutsis, actually provoked by the colonialists, had a negative impact on the problem of Congolese Tutsis-Banyamulenge. In 1994, Hutus fled Rwanda to the Congolese provinces of North and South Kivu, setting up numerous resettlement camps. The repatriation of refugees to their homeland was extremely slow. Under these circumstances, the hatred of Hutu extremists focused on the Banyamulenge-based Congolese Tutsis, and systematic attacks on Banyamulenge began, even killing them, which pushed the Banyamulenge into armed struggle and a full-scale "first Congolese" war.

Corresponding member V. G. Solodovnikov (Institute of Africa) described the contribution of the USSR to the elimination of colonialism and apartheid in Africa. After the Second World War, the USSR firmly and consistently supported the colonial peoples ' desire for independence, provided material assistance to national liberation movements, and supplied them with weapons. In 1960, at the XV session of the UN General Assembly, the Soviet delegation submitted a draft Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, which was supported by 43 delegations from Asia, Africa and Latin America. 89 delegations voted in favour of the draft. The USSR supported the creation of the UN Committee on Decolonization (Committee 24), the UN Special Committee against Apartheid, the UN Declaration on the Prohibition of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and the UN Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of Apartheid.

M. L. Vishnevsky (Institute of Africa), in his report "US African Policy on the eve of the Year of Africa", emphasized that it was in the late 1950s that the US ruling circles realized the need to prevent the revolutionization of liberating Africa and the spread of socialist ideas in it. The Kennedy administration developed the "new frontiers policy", the essence of which was an attempt to enter the capitalist evolution of underdeveloped countries regulated by the West in relations with Africa. By supporting the then popular slogan "Africa for Africans," Washington intended to strengthen its role in the movement of African peoples towards independence.

However, the concept of "new frontiers" did not meet the expectations of its authors due to the desire of African leaders for greater independence. In the early 1960s, American policy in Africa took on a tinge of "paternalism", which is already being transformed into the concept of"community of destinies and interests".

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L. V. Ponomarenko (RUDN University) reported on the activities of the First Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo Patrice Emery Lumumba. Until now, the world, especially in Africa, is still interested in his life, fate, and ideological heritage, and discussions are underway about his role in the formation of a new Africa. New materials and recently discovered documents are being introduced into scientific circulation, which make it possible to interpret the results of his short-term political activity without ideological and political cliches. Thus, in 2001, 40 years after his murder, the Belgian authorities recognized their country's responsibility for his death.

T. M. Gavristova (Yaroslavl State University) devoted her report to the analysis of the work of the sculptor and art theorist El Anatsui, one of the most famous representatives of the African avant-garde. He was born in Ghana in 1944 and has lived in Nigeria since 1975. His works have been included in the collections of many museums around the world. In 1990, he first exhibited with four African artists at the Venice Biennale. Being a man far from politics, he shared the views of the first president of Ghana, K. Nkrumah, a fighter for its freedom, a herald of the ideas of pan-Africanism, created terracotta coats of arms of several African states for the OAU. E. Anatsui sees the meaning of his work in encouraging the world to reconsider its attitude to Africa and its dynamically developing art, which is looking for ways to integrate into the world art community.

Summing up the results of the readings, Yu. N. Vinokurov noted that they were held with the interested participation of Russian and African researchers-historians, economists, ethnographers, political scientists, philosophers, and philologists. Consequently, their earlier multi-disciplinary nature continues to be consolidated, which is successfully combined with the memoir component, which is very desirable for this type of scientific conferences. The thematic diversity of the reports should also be noted. In the future, it is necessary to actively attract young scientists to participate in them, to continue studying the history of Russian African studies in the first half of the XX century.

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