On December 9, 2015, the Center for Research on Russian-African Relations and Foreign Policy of the Institute of African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences held a scientific conference "Africa and Emerging Countries: first results and Prospects of partnership". Employees of the Institute of Africa, the Institute of Oriental Studies, and IMEMO RAS, as well as scientists from Moscow State University, Rudn University, St. Petersburg State University, and Lobachevsky State University of Nizhny Novgorod took part in its work.

The reports and presentations presented included an analysis of the African policies of the so-called rising States. At the same time, the focus of attention was not only on the BRICS countries: Russia, China, India, Brazil, South Africa, but also Turkey, Iran, South Korea, Latin American countries, the Arab states of the Persian Gulf, as well as Israel and Japan, which, if they can be attributed to the "rising" countries, then with a big reservation.

Dmitry Bondarenko, Deputy Director of the Institute of Africa of the Russian Academy of Sciences, addressed the audience with greetings. He stressed the importance of the conference's theme and the role that new, non-traditional players are playing in the development of African countries today.

The report of E. N. Korendyasov (IAfr) noted that at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries, the world entered a phase of deep reformatting of the global geopolitical and economic space, and the most important driving factor of this process is the dynamic growth of the influence of the so-called global economic space.-

Tatyana DEICH-Doctor of Historical Sciences, Leading Researcher at the Institute of Africa of the Russian Academy of Sciences, tdeich@yandex.ru.

Evgeny N. KORENDYASOV-Candidate of Economic Sciences, Head of the Center of the Institute of Africa of the Russian Academy of Sciences, ekorendyasov@yandex.ru.

emerging market economies. The new role of emerging countries and their vanguard-the BRICS member states-provides Africa with a chance to accelerate the solution of the problems of national revival. The continent is now a privileged partner of growing economies. During the 2000s, their trade turnover with African states increased tenfold; the inflow of investments increased even more. At the same time, E. N. Korendyasov urged not to exaggerate either the degree of the "decline of the West" or the potential of rising economies. Slowing growth in the BRICS countries has served as an argument in favor of pessimistic forecasts for the future of this organization. Skeptics tend to exaggerate the role of the pace of development as a leading factor in BRICS consolidation. The main cementing force of BRICS is the convergence of interests on the issues of forming a new just, democratic world order, reforming the global financial and economic system and global governance institutions in order to ensure sustainable financing for development.

Cooperation with BRICS countries has a positive impact on the pace of economic development of African countries, but it also creates risks. Cooperation is focused on the extraction and export of mostly unprocessed mineral raw materials, which aggravates the raw material orientation of the continent's economy and makes it difficult to diversify it. The large flow of cheap consumer goods and services to African markets is stifling local producers. African countries are increasingly dependent on the economic environment in China and India. The scope and structure of the BRICS - Africa partnership depends on whether the BRICS is moving towards a political alliance or an economic union, as well as on the competition between traditional and new partners in African markets. A factor that has a serious impact on the cooperation of emerging countries with Africa is the international security situation, which has taken on a threatening character in recent years.

The role of international players in the Syrian conflict and their position in relation to the terrorist threat posed by ISIL was discussed by A. M. Khazanov (IB RAS). Regional and non-regional players are involved in the Syrian conflict. In fact, the entire region of the Middle East is divided into two camps. The conflict in the Middle East has taken the form of a Sunni-Shiite confrontation.

Turkey's position is largely related to the Kurdish problem. Turkish President Erdogan considers the Kurds to be his main enemies, while ISIS is also fighting the Kurds. It turns out that ISIS is an ally of Ankara and also supplies it with cheap oil. In the Russian-Turkish conflict, Europe supports Erdogan. Iraq's position in the Syrian conflict is conditioned by the fact that Shiites are in power in Baghdad. Although officially Baghdad declares neutrality in this conflict, in reality it provides assistance to Bashar al-Assad. Despite criticism from Washington, Iraq does not close its airspace to Iranian aircraft carrying weapons and ammunition for Syrian troops. Shiite militia fighters are being sent from Iraq to help Assad. In addition, Baghdad provides Damascus with diplomatic support within the framework of the Arab League and provides it with financial assistance. Iran is on the side of Assad, considering his regime and the Lebanese Shiite organization Hezbollah ("Party of Allah") as their main allies in the Middle East. On the side of the Assad regime, along with the Syrian army, Iraqi Shiites are fighting, as well as fighters from the Mahdi army and the Badr Brigade, Hezbollah, which is supported by 3 million Lebanese Shiites. Hezbollah is one of the top 28 terrorist organizations on the list published by the United States in early 2001.At the same time, the organization enjoys broad support from Iran and Syria.

Qatar is making great efforts to destroy the regime of Bashar al-Assad, providing assistance to the anti-Assad opposition. Saudi Arabia is also an enemy of the Assad regime. In February 2015 she expressed her readiness to reduce oil production if Russia stops supporting the Assad regime. After the failure of the talks, 50 top religious officials in Saudi Arabia declared "jihad" against Russia. At the same time, ISIL is considered in the SA as a real threat, since ISIL aims to enter the territory of Saudi Arabia and capture Mecca. In August 2014 Saudi Arabia has allocated $ 100 million to the United Nations Counter-Terrorism Center (UNTC).

The economic cooperation of the "rising countries" with the countries of Africa largely depends on the state of the African economy, on the place that Africa occupies in the changing configuration of world trade. In particular, E. V. Morozenskaya (IAfr) noted that in the 2000s the economic situation in Africa was steadily improving, with annual GDP growth averaging more than 5%. High global prices for raw materials, especially energy, also contributed to this. The positive dynamics of exports were somewhat hindered by the global financial crisis of 2008-2009 and the political events of 2011-2012 in North Africa. Africa's foreign trade position in the world has changed markedly over the past two years, primarily due to the fall in oil prices.

At the same time, the world economic balance continues to shift from West to East, which is manifested, in particular, in changes in trade flows. South-South trade is growing: its share in the global economy is growing.

Although the share of LDCs in world exports has increased slightly in 20 years, exports of least developed countries (LDCs) have increased almost 9-fold in value terms. The European Union imposes bilateral free trade agreements on Africa. According to E. V. Morozenskaya, while maintaining the raw material nature of African exports, removing barriers to EU imports can destroy weak local markets and undermine the basis of national budgets. In the context of the liberalization of foreign trade, which facilitates export-import activities and attracts entrepreneurs, but reduces tax revenues to the state budget, it becomes urgent to create an organized and managed tax system as the most important tool for the economic policy of African States.

V. V. Pavlov (IAfr.Capital flows to Africa from emerging countries are carried out through three basic channels: direct and portfolio investments, including private enterprise capital from emerging countries to some recipient countries; the activities of the African Development Bank, especially in 2013-2015; and the BRICS strategy in the context of relations between member countries and African countries. The system of capital imports by African countries from "rising countries" reflects changes in the balance of power in 2013-2015 between traditional and new partners on the African continent. According to the speaker, the direct inflow of private investment capital to Africa from the "rising countries" will be relatively weak in intensity and limited in scale, with little differentiation in the investment process. At the same time, there is reason to predict an increase in the inflow of investment capital to the region, primarily from China, and to a lesser extent from India, which reflects the priority directions of BRICS strategies in developing and diversifying relations with Africa and increasing the role of BRICS in the context of global restructuring of world economic relations.

V. V. Oleynikov (St. Petersburg State University) gave a speech on integration processes on the continent. In recent years, African integration processes have received a new round of development, especially in the economic sphere. The southern and eastern regions have made significant progress in this regard, where a significant number of integration associations are represented, three of which are the Economic Community of Southern Africa (SADC) and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the East African Community ( EAC) is the most advanced on the path of economic integration. The main achievement of these associations is the creation in 2011 of a trilateral Free Trade Area (FTA) along the entire east coast - from Cape Town to Cairo. The implementation of the project provides for the liberalization of trade between the countries that are members of the FTA, and the topic of free movement of capital is being discussed. It is planned to create a North-South transport corridor, and negotiations are underway to connect it to the project in 2017. Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the creation of a continental FTA in the future. The new association can attract the interest of such leading global players as China.

The problem of Africa's relations with individual BRICS member countries and the policies of each of these countries on the continent attracted the attention of a number of speakers. Discussion of the topic was opened by a message from T. L. Deitch (IAfr.) "China as a partner of Africa". China leads the BRICS in terms of cooperation with African countries. In 2009, it surpassed the United States to become Africa's main trading partner, and remains so today, and in 2015 it replaced the United States as the largest importer of African oil. In recent years, China has become an important source of foreign direct investment (FDI) for 54 countries on the continent. Chinese state-owned and private companies, of which there are more than 2 thousand on the continent, have become the main investors in Africa. Beijing focuses on African infrastructure. In January 2015, it signed a memorandum of understanding with the African Union. The project aims to create a network of railways, highways and airlines connecting the capitals of African states. Following the UN declaration of the New Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)in September 2015 Xi Jinping announced China's intention to establish a $ 2 billion fund to support South-South cooperation and increase LDC investment to $ 12 billion a year by 2030.

The downturn in the Chinese economy in 2014 gave reason to predict a decline in the volume of Sino-African cooperation. However, Beijing has adopted a new economic strategy, deciding to reduce attention to industrialization, which consumes large amounts of resources and causes massive emissions. The focus of investment is shifting to technology and innovation, as well as the service sector. The state increases support for companies, encouraging them to explore foreign markets, and simplifies administrative procedures for investors. Intensive reforms are designed to increase the volume of Chinese FDI abroad to 10% per year. At the 6th summit of the China-Africa Cooperation Forum (FOCAC) on December 4-5, 2015 in Johannesburg, South Africa, Xi Jinping announced a new $ 60 billion aid program for Africa, which will run for three years. This is almost three times more than the assistance promised at the FOCAC conference in 2012, and 4 times -

proposed to Africa in 2014 by President of the United States B. By Obama. Thus, although a number of factors give grounds to predict a decline in China's economic cooperation with the countries of the continent, Beijing, according to T. L. Deutsch, does not intend to reduce them and is ready to implement new projects.

P. G. Tsarev (Nizhny Novgorod State University) spoke about China's participation in the implementation of hydro projects on the African continent. According to various estimates, by the end of 2013, Chinese banks had financed from 17 to 43 projects. The largest of them are in Ethiopia, Sudan and Nigeria. Along with the construction of hydroelectric power plants, the Chinese are also engaged in smaller-scale projects related to cleaning rivers and lakes and providing drinking water to residents of problem areas in Africa. So, 1000 wells were drilled in rural areas of Ghana, 55 high-tech wells were built in Tanzania, and a water pipeline from Ethiopia to Djibouti was built.

The answer to the question of why Beijing is implementing such projects in Africa, while in China itself the problem of lack of water resources is no less acute, P. G. Tsarev suggests looking in the sphere of geopolitics. China came to Africa not only in search of natural resources and markets, but also to strengthen its political influence in the world. By helping to address water and electricity shortages with new hydropower plants, China has quickly gained the trust and sympathy of Africans. It conducts active informational and educational activities on the continent. For example, the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) has established a sub-program "China-Africa Cooperation on the Environment". Chinese ecologists and engineers train Africans in environmental monitoring, dry climate farming, water purification technologies, and water-saving technologies. Over the course of the subprogramme, thousands of specialists have been trained from almost all African countries. China receives not only economic (preferences for Chinese companies in the African market), but also political dividends. Two events can have, according to P. G. Tsareva, serious consequences for the geopolitical situation in the region: the start of construction on the Blue Nile of the largest hydroelectric power station in Africa - the "Great Renaissance of Ethiopia" and the signing of an agreement on the establishment of a military base in Djibouti; naval forces stationed here will be able to control key sea routes, including the Suez Canal and the Gulf of Aden.

The topic of two speeches was the policy in Africa of another Asian rising power and BRICS member - India. He analyzed the driving factors of Delhi's African policy and India's participation in BRICS. Delhi's African policy is based on India's interest in supplying energy from Africa and reducing its dependence on the Gulf countries. Imports from African countries are growing, accounting for almost 17% of all oil supplied to India in 2014. India remains the largest buyer of crude oil from Nigeria and the second (after China) from Angola. The security of transit of energy products, as well as the desire to secure the position of a leading power in the Indian Ocean zone, create another factor in India's policy in Africa. Another aspect is India's claim to permanent membership in the UN Security Council, in which it can be supported by 54 African states. The African continent is India's natural partner in shaping a new, more just world order. An important event was the 3rd India-Africa Summit in Delhi in October 2015, which was attended by representatives from all 54 African countries. At the summit, New Delhi announced new initiatives: to increase up to 50 thousand scholarships for Africans to study in India; to increase up to $ 10 billion. the amount of concessional loans to Africa in the next 5 years in addition to 7.2 billion; provide $ 600 million in grants for projects in Africa. N. Modi put forward for consideration at the summit of the Indian initiative "Make in India" ("Make in India"). African representatives at the summit noted that African countries need their own "Make in Africa" initiative, which will connect African resources and Indian technologies. For Indian businesses, the main problems of investing in Africa are the lack of constant state financial support and fierce competition with Chinese corporations. The creation of the BRICS Bank was seen as an opportunity for Indian private companies.

Issues of economic cooperation between India and one of the leading African countries, Nigeria, were discussed in the report of T. S. Denisova (IAfr). Nigeria is India's largest trading partner and Africa's largest market for Indian goods. Many Indian companies have invested in the Nigerian economy. Delhi is implementing a number of high-tech projects in Nigeria, including the development of small and medium-sized businesses. Indian citizens in Nigeria (about 35,000) are mainly employed in trade, services, construction, telecommunications, healthcare, and education. There are a number of problems in trade and investment relations between the two countries. While Nigeria imports a wide range of manufactured goods, India mainly imports oil. Indian business has taken a strong position in Nigeria, while Nigerian investment in India is negligible. Some difficulties are associated with the employment of Nigerians in Indian companies, with the lack of double taxation laws and investment protection. However, the economic

cooperation between the two countries is promising. Nigeria is one of the fastest growing economies in the world. In 2014, it ranked first in Africa in terms of growth, surpassing South Africa. A favorable investment climate is being formed in the country, the banking system has been modernized, and public-private partnerships are developing. There is potential for cooperation in such areas as agriculture, the oil and gas sector, the production of metal products, medicines, computer technology, and the development of medical tourism in Nigeria with Indian assistance.

The problems of Russian business in African countries were discussed by E. A. Abramova. Putintseva (IAfr.). Russia's interest in African countries has grown in recent years, but Russia's trade turnover with Africa is incomparable with the volume of Africa's trade with China, India, and Brazil. Russia cannot provide billions of dollars in loans to African partners, as China and India do. The problems faced by Russian companies include dependence on intermediaries, often the need to create a business "from scratch", etc. The weakness of the banking system, the high cost of financial instruments, the lack of a serious database and statistics on commercial and political risks require improving the system of state support for Russian businesses abroad. In 2011, Federal Law No. 236 "On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of the Russian Federation in order to Improve the Mechanism of Insurance of Export Credits and Investments against Business and Political Risks"was adopted. As part of Vnesheconombank (VEB), EXIAR OJSC was established - an agency that insures loans and investments against these risks. The agency's tasks are to promote Russian exports of equipment and technologies, support and insurance support for domestic exporters in new and risky markets. However, Africa is not one of EXIAR's priority areas of activity. In 2014, the Export and Foreign Economic Strategy Committee was established under the VEB Supervisory Board, and in 2015, the Russian Export Center JSC was established. For the first quarter of 2016, it is planned to create Russian trading houses abroad. At the first stage, 10 trading houses will be opened, including in South Africa.

In the last decade, Latin American countries have become very active on the African continent: not only Brazil, a BRICS member, but also Argentina, Mexico, Chile, and Peru. L. N. Kalinichenko (IAfr) spoke about the prospects of cooperation between this group of countries and Africa. Trade turnover between Latin America and Africa has more than quadrupled since 2000, but the potential in this area is far from being exhausted. The commodities segment remains the most attractive. Foreign direct investment from Latin American countries is growing, with Brazil leading the way in terms of volume. Brazil's portfolio of projects in Africa includes tropical agriculture, energy, including the production of biofuels, the production of medicines, information technology, and environmental protection. Many Brazilian corporations are active on the African continent, including Odebrecht, Petrobras, Vale, and Marcopolo. Argentina also sees African countries as promising partners. During the 2000s, it entered into several partnership agreements, primarily with South Africa. Two dozen projects are being implemented on the basis of the agreement on scientific and technical cooperation between the two countries. In general, Brazil, Argentina and African countries are seeking to work together in a South-South fashion. Cooperation allows regions to diversify their economic ties and strengthen their competitive positions.

The question of how competitors, primarily Western countries, which in some cases are forced to give up their positions to new players, react to BRICS and its activities in Africa is of interest. As noted by O. S. Kulkova (IAfr.The BRICS countries ' significant role in promoting development and strengthening security in Africa is now recognized at the EU leadership and expert community levels. Discussions in the EU on the role of BRICS in Africa and prospects for interaction with the group are conducted within the framework of the main paradigms: deterrence, competition and cooperation. If earlier the EU had more critical assessments of BRICS activities in international relations in general and in Africa in particular, now, despite the continued caution in their assessments, the leadership and expert community of the EU countries are coming to the understanding that these countries should be considered more and ways of interaction in Africa should be sought. European experts are increasingly coming to the conclusion that in the XXI century. The EU will not be able to solve the problems of global development based solely on cooperation with the United States, which means that without a partnership with BRICS, it will be difficult to implement a full-fledged EU foreign policy strategy, although the BRICS ' active involvement in solving security and development problems in Africa is fraught with dangers for the EU's position on the continent.

The discussion at the conference was not limited to the discussion of the BRICS countries ' policy in Africa. As noted by N. N. Tsvetkova (Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences), today, along with BRICS, the countries whose importance in the world economy has increased include the" new breakthrough economies " of the 2010s. They claim that the CIS countries (Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea and Turkey) can become new leaders in macroeconomics-

economic dynamics, replacing China and India. Jim O'Neill of Goldman Sachs, the author of the abbreviation BRIC, proposed a new group of countries that are attractive to investors - MIST, as well as the H-11 group, which in addition to MIST includes Bangladesh, Egypt, Pakistan, the Philippines, Vietnam, Iran and Nigeria. The MINT group is also called Mexico, Indonesia, Nigeria, and Turkey. A new format is proposed: not BRICS vs MIST, but BRICS + MIST (without South Africa and South Korea). Among the seven emerging economies that the Financial Times has dubbed the new G7 are four BRICS countries (Russia, Brazil, China, and India) and three G20 countries (Mexico, Indonesia, and Turkey). The seven largest emerging markets have overtaken the Group of Seven countries in terms of purchasing power parity (PPP) GDP, according to the IMF's World Economic Outlook report of October 7, 2014. Their total PPP GDP was $ 37.8 trillion, $ 3.3 trillion more than the "old" G7 countries, which include the United States, Canada, Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Japan.

UNCTAD includes a group of "rising" countries: in East Asia - China, Hong Kong (PRC), South Korea, Taiwan; in Southeast Asia-Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Philippines, Indonesia; in South Asia-India; in West Asia-six GCC member countries and Turkey; in Africa-Egypt In Latin America-Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay. The volume of exports of goods from all Asian countries with emerging markets to Africa in 2014 reached $ 248 billion: China ranked first, India ranked second, the United Arab Emirates ranked third, and South Korea ranked fourth. 1/3 of the Republic of Korea's exports go to North Africa, mainly to Algeria and Egypt, and 1/3-to West Africa, primarily to Liberia and Nigeria. South Korea's exports to Africa consist of 93% of finished products, and 70% of mechanical engineering products (including electronics and transport engineering). An important role in South Korea's economic relations with Africa is played by Samsung Electronics, the world's largest company by turnover in 2014, whose products are represented in the markets of most African countries and adapted to the conditions of Africa.

N. Y. Ulchenko (Institute of International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences, ISAA MSU) devoted her speech to the African policy of Turkey, which is also one of the "rising" states. The countries of the African continent began to attract its special attention from the beginning of the 1990s, after its transition to an export-oriented development strategy. Difficulties in solving this problem led to the replacement of industry-specific export diversification with geographical one, i.e. to the choice of an extensive strategy for increasing exports within the established product range. In order to intensify trade and economic ties with African countries, the network of Turkish trade representative offices was significantly expanded, which by the end of 2015 were operating in more than 20 African countries. Turkey's efforts to realize the potential of Africa as a sales market have borne fruit: over the past 10 years, Turkish exports to Africa have shown stronger growth than imports. Within three years, Turkey has a trade surplus of $ 7-8 billion, almost equal to the volume of Turkish imports. For Turkey, the import of raw materials, mainly energy carriers, primarily liquefied natural gas, remains important. The peculiarity of bilateral trade is a steady focus on the countries of North Africa, which accounted for between 70 and 80% of the total trade turnover with the continent in the last decade. Africa is an important market for Turkish construction companies. Since the early 2000s, Turkey has been participating in the international aid system coordinated by the OECD Development Assistance Committee. In Africa, 13 countries received Turkish aid in 2013.

The problem of military-political and economic cooperation between Africa and the Arab states of the Persian Gulf was considered in the report of S. V. Kostelyants (IAfr). The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) consists of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain and Oman. The GCC's economic interest in Africa has grown markedly since 2011, when the Arab crisis affected traditional Gulf partners. At the same time, the focus shifted to cooperation with countries in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), which avoided political instability and showed high growth rates. The GCC countries ' trade with SSA reached $ 35 billion in 2014 (an increase of 11% compared to 2013). The total investment of GCC countries in Africa over 10 years is estimated at $ 30 billion. According to the Economist magazine, GCC accounts for up to 10% of the continent's infrastructure investment.

In many ways, GCC's economic cooperation with Africa is quite comparable to the activities of the continent's largest partners - the United States, the EU, China, and India. The Gulf monarchies seek military and political cooperation with the countries of North Africa and the SDF, which is clearly manifested in the light of the Yemeni conflict. The dynamics of the development of trade and economic relations between the GCC and Africa are largely similar to the dynamics of Africa's relations with other "rising" countries, but the military-political aspect of cooperation occupies a leading place in the strategy of the bloc. The funds spent on attracting African countries to the military operation in Yemen are comparable to the total volume of investments of these Arab countries in Africa over the past year.

several years. Politics has always played an important role in Arab-African cooperation. The growing role of the armed forces of African countries in protecting the interests of the GCC seems to be a new model of cooperation, driven by the strategic considerations of the GCC in view of increasing political instability throughout the Middle East and limited human resources.

The report of V. I. Yurtaev (RUDN University) was devoted to the role of Africa in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Since its establishment in 1979, the Islamic Republic of Iran has sought to expand political and economic relations with non-aligned countries, including those on the African continent, as part of a common policy of exporting the Islamic Revolution. At the same time, the course of the Shah's regime to dominate the Indian Ocean was actually curtailed by forming a trilateral alliance of South Africa-Iran-Australia at the first stage to control the safety of navigation in the region. The activity of Shah's Iran in the fight against the international revolutionary movement, in which Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi claimed an "independent role" in the Horn of Africa and southern Africa, in the Persian Gulf and in South Asia, was stopped. During the formation of the Islamic Republic (1980-1990), Iran's relations with African countries developed mainly on a bilateral basis and did not have a systematic character. An analysis of the peculiarities of Iran's foreign policy makes it possible to distinguish four stages of relations along the Iran-Africa line: 1979-1989-the stage after the victory of the Islamic Revolution-was held under the slogan "Assistance to the disadvantaged"; 1989-1996 - the stage of recovery; 1997-2005-the stage of reforms; since 2006-the stage of creative interaction; since the mid-2010s. under the slogan "Sustainable human security".

Iran's foreign policy used a wide range of tools, including multi-purpose investment activity, which in African countries included all the main sectors of the Iranian economy - oil and gas industry, automotive industry, agriculture, chemical industry, pharmaceuticals, construction and the emerging nuclear power industry, which makes it possible to attribute it to a model based on political and ideological priorities. Under Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005-2013), the African direction was assigned to the fourth mandatory level in terms of implementing priorities in Iranian foreign policy, and African countries in the new world order modeled by Tehran were assigned a place in the "world of Islam", in which Iran claimed leadership. Among the priority countries for Iran are: Algeria, Egypt, Sudan, Sierra Leone, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, DRC, Kenya, Libya, Mali, Namibia, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Tunisia, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Betting on the involvement of African leaders seems to be crucial for the future Iranian presence in Africa.

E. A. Kalashnikov's "Traditional and new Partners of Uganda" and S. V. Nenashev's (both IAfr.) "Emerging countries in Angola's foreign policy priorities". Uganda has close relations with the West, which is a major donor and finances development projects in various sectors of the economy. As of 2014, European countries were implementing 106 projects in Uganda. However, Uganda's desire to diversify its external relations creates conditions for new players to enter the country. China, with its policy of non-interference, is perceived as a counterweight to Western influence. Chinese companies implement energy projects and promote infrastructure development. Uganda is satisfied with the possibility of settlements with Chinese partners in yuan, access to low-cost Chinese loans. At the same time, it is dissatisfied with the imbalance in bilateral trade and the flood of Chinese labor in the country. India actively promotes its interests in Uganda. Its main areas of activity are pharmaceuticals, construction, information technology, transport, telecommunications, and energy. Dozens of Indian companies successfully operate in Uganda.

Japan, which is seeking to enlist allies in Africa in connection with its claims to the role of a permanent member of the UN Security Council and plans to host the 2020 Olympic Games in Tokyo, is stepping up its policy in the country. Turkey is trying to gain a foothold in the Ugandan market, having proposed a project to create free economic zones in the country and invested in several companies. One of Uganda's largest trading partners, the United Arab Emirates, has started discussing a project to create a free economic zone in Uganda. Recently, South Korea has shown interest in the country, having signed an agreement on cooperation in the construction sector in 2014. President Museveni's visit to Moscow in December 2012 gave an impetus to the development of Russian-Ugandan relations. With the victory of the Russian consortium in the tender for the construction of a priority Ugandan infrastructure facility, the Buseruka oil refinery, economic ties have reached a new level. Thus, in the last decade, countries that were not previously included in the zone of Ugandan economic interests have gained an advantage in relations with Uganda.

S. V. Nenashev noted that after the end of the civil war in Angola in 2002, which caused huge human and material losses to the country (according to the government's assessment, only the cost was reduced).-

The Angolan government was faced with the problem of attracting external sources of financing for economic recovery and development. Taking into account the refusal of the Bretton Woods institutions to hold an international donor conference for Angola, the official Luanda undertook an active search for possible partners, turning first of all to the People's Republic of China and Brazil, which showed interest in developing cooperation with the African continent. In the future, these countries, along with other BRICS members-Russia, India and South Africa-took one of the priority places in Angola's foreign policy.

The leading position today is occupied by China, with which Angola has established active cooperation. Cooperation in the financial sector is particularly highlighted. The first loan of US $ 2 billion was granted to Angola by the Chinese Government in 2004. To date, the volume of the Chinese credit line to Angola has reached about $ 20 billion. The funds were used to implement projects in the fields of healthcare, education, energy, agriculture, infrastructure, etc. As of 2014, there were about 550 Chinese companies operating in Angola, employing 260 thousand Chinese specialists. The volume of trade between Angola and China increased from $ 190 million in 1998 to $ 37.07 billion. In 2014, there is an increase in direct investment by Chinese companies in the Angolan economy, in particular in the oil and mining industry, agriculture, and mechanical engineering. Relations between Angola and Brazil are developing successfully. Cooperation is established both on a bilateral basis and within the framework of the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries. The total amount of loans extended by Brazil to Angola is US $ 7.7 billion. There are more than 100 Brazilian companies operating in Angola, employing about 30 thousand people. citizens of Brazil. Brazil's main interests in Angola are concentrated in the fields of construction, energy, oil production, geology, mining and agriculture. Angola's ties with India are much smaller than those with China, Brazil, and Russia. They are mainly limited to the trade sector, which had a turnover of about $ 7.3 billion in 2013. At the same time, Angolan exports to India (mainly oil and diamonds) totaled $ 6.8 billion, while imports from India totaled $ 486.6 million. However, Angolan-Indian cooperation may become more extensive. This is confirmed by the agreements reached in New Delhi in October 2015 at the third India-Africa Summit, to which Angola was invited for the first time. Russian-Angolan cooperation has been gradually increasing in recent years. Military-technical cooperation remains a significant segment of it. Partnerships in the diamond mining industry, higher education, and banking are developing successfully. With the assistance of Russia, a project is being implemented to create a satellite communication system, which should be completed in 2017. In recent years, Russian banks have provided loans totaling $ 2.8 billion to the Angolan Government.

Israel, which is not one of the "rising" states, but, being a recipient of foreign aid, at the same time acts as a donor to African countries, which was considered by L. R. Khlebnikova (MSU) in the report " Imperatives of Security and Development in Israel's foreign Aid Policy (on the example of African countries)". Israel remains one of the world's largest recipients of aid (thanks to the United States, it has reached $ 3 billion a year in recent years). But to ensure its national security, Israel has always tried to use the widest possible range of tools, including external assistance. As an OECD member, it positions itself as a donor. The beginning of Israel's assistance to developing countries dates back to the late 1950s, when the MASHAV organization (Agency for the Development of International Cooperation under the Israeli Foreign Ministry) was established. The main activity of this agency has become the African continent. However, the aggravation of the Arab-Israeli conflict led in the 1970s to the severance of diplomatic relations with Israel of a number of African states. A new phase of cooperation begins with the tragedy of September 11, 2001. The fight against terrorism united Israel and African States. The Israeli Government is actively developing military contacts with Africa, selling it weapons and military equipment used to counter terrorism, as well as providing humanitarian and other assistance to African States. In 2009, Israel signed an agreement with ECOWAS on assistance in education, economy, agriculture, culture and other areas. MASHAV agreed with ECOWAS to coordinate joint efforts to combat poverty and protect the environment. Contacts between Israel and African states are developing not only through the state line, but also through the channels of business structures. Israeli non-governmental organizations, such as IsraAID, established in 2001 in Beersheba, are playing an increasingly important role. Israeli-Nigerian relations are developing particularly well, with joint counter-terrorism efforts as a link. Israel promotes agricultural development in Nigeria, as well as providing humanitarian assistance to it through MASHAV and non-governmental organizations, in particular IsraAID.

The conference reports provided a fairly complete picture of the relations between Africa and "non-Western" States.

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