In the 20th century, verse studies made a qualitative leap forward, towards the exact sciences, primarily due to statistical studies of meter and rhythm - two of its main objects. The development of poetry allowed us to answer the questions of what is a rhyme and what is a stanza. However, there remains one common question related to the history of these two phenomena: where did they come from in European poetry? If rhythm and meter initially exist outside the creative will (i.e., we cannot completely eliminate "random meters" not only from artistic prose speech, but even from everyday speech, moreover, we cannot once and for all deprive the sounding speech of any rhythmization), then rhymes and stanzas Elements that are optional elements for organizing poetic speech (more precisely, making its order more obvious) can easily be removed from poetic works, as evidenced by the existence of such phenomena as white verse and astrophysical verse. Therefore, it is important to establish how, why, and when rhymes and stanzas once became firmly established in the toolkit of European poets.

Keywords: Mosarab stanzas, romance verse forms, Arabic rhyme, muvashshah, zajal, harja.

"ARABIC" HYPOTHESIS ON THE ORIGIN OF EUROPEAN RHYMING STANZAS: PRO ET CONTRA

V.B. SEMIONOV

This essay refers to the formation of the "Arabic' hypothesis of an origin of the rhyming stanzas in European Medieval lyrics; its pros and contras are also discussed. The author states the relationship between the quality of Arabic rhyme and European full' rhyme.

Key words: Mozarabic stanzas, roman verse forms, Arabic rhyme, muwashshah, zajal, jarcha.

For many centuries, since the appearance of stanzas, rhyming schemes and types of rhymes known to us today, a wide variety of answers to the question of their origin have emerged in European science, and the closer we get to the present, the more intense the discussions have been. At the same time, since in general rhymes and stanzas are not necessarily interrelated phenomena, the researchers set the following goal:

Vadim Borisovich SEMENOV-Candidate of Philological Sciences, Associate Professor, Lomonosov Moscow State University; vadsemionov@mail.ru.

Vadim SEMYONOV - PhD (in Philology), Assistant Professor, Moscow State University, Russia; vadsemionov@mail.ru.

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ask a question by putting it in a different way. If the European stanza began to develop in ancient times, in the poetry of Alcaeus, Sappho and other Greek poets, then European rhymes in the form in which they are known and familiar to us, appeared in poetry in "unanticized" languages from the time of the work of the first famous medieval poet-knights - Duke of Aquitaine Guillaume IX The Troubadour (1071-1127). Therefore, researchers were looking for an answer not to the question of the origin of rhyming stanzas, but to the question of the origin of European rhymes proper.

The very first, naive version, as has often happened in the history of the science of literature, postulated their spontaneous generation: if the rhymes we know first appeared in the poetry of the troubadours, then the troubadours were their inventors. Other hypotheses about the only source of Provencal rhymed poetry turned out to be Latin and Arabic. They also have a long-standing origin, with the "Latin" hypothesis initially being widely accepted. In the future, these two hypotheses proved to be dominant, but closer to our time they underwent a significant update.

The "Latin" hypothesis generally boils down to the fact that the Troubadours, as representatives of secular literature in Romance languages, borrowed rhyme from religious texts in the learned Latin that gave rise to these languages. Later variations of this hypothesis made the appearance of rhymes in Latin texts more and more ancient, and therefore gave the tradition of Latin rhymes more and more weight.

Non-literary arguments supporting this hypothesis are based primarily on common sense. Whether any troubadour wanted it or not, Latin was all around him: he attended services in churches or cathedrals, where he listened to liturgical singing, at least on important holidays for all Catholics. This is where the literary argumentation begins. The initial version of the" Latin " hypothesis in terms of composition brought together various canso troubadours with liturgical sequences (this is probably why in its initial form this hypothesis is also called "liturgical"). Further, from a certain point on, it became common to mention an infrequent form of Novolatinsk poetry - the so-called Leonin verse (which involved rhyming the ends of both half-verses of each line). Further, the" Latin " hypothesis was supplemented by new facts that made the appearance of rhymes in European stanzas in Latin more and more ancient, but these were facts of references not to exemplary and influential texts, but to exceptional texts that show just a deviation from the accepted rules.

Indeed, "exact" rhymes, as we now define them, existed in European Latin poetry even before the Troubadour era. But, first of all, the vast majority of examples of such "rhymes" are a consequence of Homeotelewton (equilinearity)1, the phenomenon is not phonetic, but grammatical. And secondly, examples that relate to different centuries show their uniqueness, uniqueness, but not consistency. There are not, for example, many examples of Latin-language rhymed poetry created in the same century and in the same region by a more or less broad group of poets. This fact makes us doubt the effectiveness of the influence of the "Latin" poetic tradition and raise questions: 1. Were not such sporadic attempts to use rhyme not the rule, but the exception, and from another rule-the rule not to use rhyme in Latin verses? 2. Does this not reveal the independence of the future Provençal and other national poetry in the Romance languages from the Latin poetry of the previous dark ages?

Such doubts existed throughout the entire period when the "Latin" hypothesis was developing and the conditions were created for the development of a different hypothesis - the "Arab" one, which was born almost earlier than the "Latin"one. So, back in the XVI century.-

1 A rhetorical figure consisting of the same ending of two or more verses or sentences.

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The Italian poet Gianmaria Barbieri was the first to make Provençal and its successor Sicilian poetry dependent on the creativity of the Iberian Peninsula Arabs in his treatise "On the Source of Rhymed Poetry", though without any actual confirmation [Barbieri, 1790, p. 43, 45]. However, this new hypothesis began to develop actively only at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries.2
This hypothesis boils down to the fact that the Troubadours (and with them other European poets) did not bring rhyme to light from their own "Latin" bins, but went for it to their close neighbors-the Arabs of the Iberian Peninsula. This hypothesis has evolved significantly over the course of its existence. At an early stage, it was not widespread at all and was often perceived with hostility. "Formulated in the eighteenth, 'Arabophilic' century, and then supported by Romantics, this hypothesis caused fierce disputes among the largest authorities of European philological science " (Kudelin, 1974, p.379). But it is noteworthy that initially it provided much more convincing facts than the "Latin" hypothesis, but the facts did not become arguments: what should have been proved (the"Arabic" origin of rhymes in non-Arab European poetry), somehow gradually began to be taken almost as an axiom. Therefore, at the moment, this hypothesis, while not being more convincing than others, nevertheless dominates.

The extra-literary argumentation that serves the "Arab" hypothesis is also based on common sense. Troubadour poetry originated at a time when the Reconquista was continuing and the Crusades were beginning, so it was simply impossible for knight poets not to encounter the Arab world, and therefore Arab poets-singers. So, it is known that already the father of Guillaume IX Troubadour, Guy Geoffrey (Guillaume VIII), in 1064, participated in the campaign inspired by Pope Alexander II to Barbastro, which was in the hands of the Moors. This campaign became the prototype of future Crusades and went down in history under the name "siege of Barbastro". According to the chroniclers, many jewels were looted by Christians, and a large number of Moorish girls were taken captive, including to Poitou, to the ancestral home of Guillaume VIII. This fact among the supporters of the "Arab" hypothesis gave rise to speculation about the early acquaintance of Guillaume IX with an Arabic-language song (so, with poetry? with rhymes, then?). In particular, the medievalist R. Menendez Pidal (1938) wrote about this historical fact associated with the father of the first troubadour, as well as other facts of the acquaintance of the rulers and knights of the Romanesque states with Arabic song and dance.

Adherents of the "Arab" hypothesis, in an effort to confirm it, went so far as to send Guillaume IX to the Arab East for a rhyme. After the birth of his son in 1099, Guillaume went to the Holy Land as a crusader, where his soldiers in 1101 were defeated by Saracen troops and from where he returned in 1102. It was assumed that in the exotic and cultured East, which gave the West medicine, algebra and much more, this rough crusader got acquainted with such an original and subtle thing as rhymed poetry. In particular, this point of view was held by the American researcher A. R. Nickle, who needed it to explain the differences he noticed in Guillaume's post-income work relative to his pre-income work:

"The change of rhythm, the cross-rhyming between long and short lines, and the qualitatively different spirit of Guillaume's surviving poems cannot be attributed to any other significant event in his life, other than a Crusade that filled him with new artistic ideas" (Nykl, 1946, p. 383).

2 The treatise was written approximately between 1570 and 1580, but was first published more than 200 years later, at the end of the eighteenth century, and probably provoked a return to this discussion.

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To this day, Nikl's views seem to researchers to be unjustified geographical fantasies. First, it seems very strange that Guillaume, according to Nickle, only became acquainted with Arab culture in Jerusalem and Antioch - and did not notice it before, being in Europe, in the neighborhood of the Al-Andalus region, especially when making a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela, the main route to which lay through Pamplona, Burgos and Leon are cities located near the specified region. Secondly, it is not clear how such a point of view could help clarify the question of the probable source of Guillaume's poetry rhymes, if all his surviving pre-revenue poems are rhymed from beginning to end.

Finally, there was another very fanciful suggestion that the troubadours did not go anywhere, even beyond the Pyrenees, and the rhyme was "brought home"to them. The Sephardic Jews of the Iberian Peninsula, who came here at the same time as the Arab conquerors, carried not only their goods, but also Andalusian poetry, as merchants, to all the surrounding Roman-speaking countries. This Jewish-Andalusian variation of the "Arab" hypothesis, in particular, was repeatedly mentioned in his works by P. Zyumtor, however, without giving strong arguments in its defense.

So, no historical or logical evidence has been put forward to convince the Troubadours of Aquitaine and Provence that communication with the Arabs rhyming in an unknown language, 3 moreover, the enemies against whom both the Crusades and the Reconquista were directed, was more important for the Troubadours than communication with their co-religionists and fellow countrymen rhyming in Latin.churchmen. Everyday common sense suggests that it was not necessary to go far for a rhyme, having it at your side. If the European rhyme is derived from Arabic-language poetry, it is more likely to be found in Andalusia than in the Middle East (Abu-Haidar, 2001). The same Nickle, who protested against the" Andalusian "influence in favor of the "Middle East", still let slip about the lyrics of the troubadours: "The structure of these verses is similar to muvashshah and zajal ..." [Nykl, 1946, p. 383]. The literary arguments associated with these two genres were much more convincing.

Literary argumentation. At the end of the 19th century, in one of the Arabic manuscripts stored in the library of the University of Leiden (Ms. Leiden No. 2407), among other records, a treatise by the Egyptian poet Ibn San' al-Mulk "Dar al-Tiraz" was discovered, which was also a study of poems of the Andalusian genre of muwashshaha (moaxaja, muwashshaha or muwassah), and an anthology of his samples. Perhaps this fact would not have attracted the attention of many if in 1897 the founder of German scientific Arabic studies, M. Hartmann, had not devoted a separate monograph to this genre, in which he presented the results of a survey of 16 types, or 233 subspecies, of poems of this genre [Hartmann, 1897, p. 1, 199]. In his classical work, he mentioned alongside muvashshah the related genre of zajal (zajal, zijel, or zagal).4
Muwashshah was invented by Muqaddam Ibn Mu'afa al-Kabri, a Blind man from Cabra (a small town near Cordoba), who lived at the turn of the 9th-10th centuries. In his time, the genre was not widely used. It began in the middle of the XI century. In the Almoravid era, poems were closely associated with musical performance (this fact influenced the fact that many surviving Andalusian muvashshahs created in the XI-XII centuries are still performed by Arab musicians). Each muvashshah was rhymed through and through, and its rhymes belonged to the type of rhymes "exact" familiar to us today, and this genre originated earlier than various Provencal poetic genres,

3 Some Arabists, including Nicl, assumed that Guillaume IX had learned Arabic and was able to understand Arabic verses, but the opposite opinion was held by the researcher of troubadour lyrics, I. Frank.

4 See on the connection of this genre with Romance forms: [Semenov, 2003].

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who introduced a wide range of Europeans to the rhyme. As an example, I will cite here the initial part of the muwashshah belonging to Ibn Baqi (d. 1145), a contemporary of Guillaume IX.:

adir la-na 'akwab / yunsa bi-ha l-wajdu
wa-stahdiri l-jullas / kama qtada l-wuddu
din bi-l-hawa sar'a / ma 'ista ya sahi
wa-nazzih is-sam'a / 'an mantiqi l-lahi
fa-l-hukmu 'an tas'a / ilay-ka bi-r-rahi
anamilu l-'unnab / wa-naqlu-ka l-wardu
huffa bi-sudgay 'as / yalwi-hima l-haddu
adir la-na 'akwab / yunsa bi-ha l-wajdu
wa-stahdiri l-jullas / kama qtada 1-wuddu <...>

What is noticeable in this text? Almost everywhere - exact rhymes. The first two lines are a beginning, similar to the beginning in qasid and here called qufl. In a large stanza called daur, the three initial verses are connected by a continuous exact rhyme (and their first half-verses are assonant). The couplet that closes this daur is an exact repetition of the initial kufl, and the couplet preceding the two end lines (verses 4-5 of the daur) is connected with this kufl, which performs the function of a refrain, by a double connection: the ends of its verses pick up the continuous rhyme that follows in the repeated kufl, while the ends of the first half-verses in all the last four lines of the daur are precisely rhymed cross-rhyming with each other. Before us is a rather complex, refined technique of sound ornaments. If the Troubadours borrowed the rhyme from another source, at least this Andalusian rhyming technique was well worth copying. Obviously, this is what the proponents of the "Arab" hypothesis argued.

Initially, however, even for most of them, it seemed very doubtful that the Muvashshahs could have directly influenced the Troubadour poetry. The reason was that the poets of Al-Andalus composed muwashshahi exclusively in classical Arabic. If the troubadours had been able to understand such poems, it would have been possible, with minimal certainty, to assume that they were the source of rhymes for the poets who lived north of the Pyrenees.

The situation changed in a positive direction for the apologists of the "Arab" hypothesis, after the manuscript of "Divan" by Ibn Kuzman (1078-1160), a poet from Cordoba and contemporary of Guillaume IX, was found in the Asiatic Museum of St. Petersburg in 1881, and a facsimile edition of it was published in 1896. It presented to a wide circle of people interested in Arabic studies the original poet, the author of dozens of zajals. After that, the interest of the next generation of Arabists shifted from muvashshah to Zajal. Firstly, Zajal's rhyme was simpler (the most frequent example is aaab cccb dddb...), and this is exactly the rhyme used by Guillaume IX in his song "Pos de chantar m'es pres talenz...". Secondly, Ibn Kuzman's Zajals often included Mosarabian words. Since the particular Mosarabian dialect was a mixture of the languages of the Arabic, Semitic, and Romance populations, this is why the Zajal genre could claim to be the source of European rhymes, since both Guillaume Troubadour and his Aquitanian and Provencal followers were assumed to be quite capable of picking up familiar words, even in those special cases when they were not familiar. they were included in the rhymes.

Spanish philologists began to study Ibn Kuzman's legacy, and the "Arab" hypothesis strongly strengthened its position in science after X approached this heritage. Ribera y Tarrago. As a result of studying the lyrics of Ibn Kuzman, he was born

5 The text of the popular muvashshah is given in accordance with its transliteration in the edition [Liu and Monroe, 1989, p. 51].

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a very original concept of the "mixed poetic system", which consisted in the fact that the Romance peoples received poetic themes and forms from the Arabs of the Iberian Peninsula, but the Arabs first received them from the folk songs of those they conquered during the conquest of the peninsula. Ribera expressed this concept in six brief theses when he gave a public lecture at the Royal Academy in Madrid on May 26, 1912.:

"There are the following facts:

1. Semites were included in the Spanish Muslim community as an element that was present in an infinitesimal degree, and this does not allow us to define them as Eastern people, starting from the third or fourth generations after the conquest period.

2. Even Muslim families who might have been proud of their Arab ancestry used the European language (the Spanish version of Romance) as a familiar and simple language until at least the mid-twelfth century.

3. In Muslim Spain, two vernacular languages co-existed: one Arabic, the other "Latin"; and they were spoken by the same people: "Latin" (in other words, Romance) was used in everyday life, and Arabic - as an official language-in schools, at public events, etc.

4. Thanks to this co-existence, a mixed poetic system could and did arise, in which European and Eastern influences are clearly distinguishable.

5. Such poetry, ignored by classical aficionados, was popular and understandable not only to the population of Andalusia, but also to those Europeans who lived in Andalusia for some time (although now, after eight centuries, it is incomprehensible to us); intimate and hidden in harems and lower social strata, she eventually managed to break into high society and become a literary figure.

6. This poetry, which is not associated with images of the desert, contains those popular themes that will be repeated in later centuries in European literatures, in various poetic forms that differ from the classical Eastern ones. Whole poems and rhymed stanzas appear in it in the Romance dialect, very similar to Galician or Portuguese, in the language inherent in the most ancient Spanish lyrics "[Ribera y Tarrago, 1912, p. 6] (cf. translation by A. B. Kudelin: [Kudelin, 1974]).

The following plot emerged: the Arabs invade the Iberian Peninsula, and with them the Jews, driven from their ancestral lands in the Middle East, move there - the Arabs bring their own poetic culture to the peninsula - some folk poetry that already existed there, but has not survived to this day (Celts? the Visigoths?) it influences them in such a way that they change the classical traditions of Arabic poetry in the direction of simplification (at first they retain the classical Arabic language, but change the qasida to muvashshah, and then change the language, replacing it with a specific Mosarab dialect, while reducing muvashshah to zajal) - they influence the troubadours with a simplified form of zajal-European poetry gets rhymes and stanzas. Everything in this plot is coherent, except for one thing: nothing is known about the autochthonous poetic tradition of the peoples of the Iberian Peninsula, which existed before the arrival of the Arabs. Apparently, this part of the Ribera concept was intended to serve as a distracting bone thrown to a dangerous dog for the opponents of the "Arab" hypothesis:

"And if Europe produced the influence that led to the birth of a special poetic system in Muslim Spain of the X-XI centuries, what would be strange if Europe during the following centuries received a return of influence in the form of those perfect things that the inventive mind of the Muslims of the peninsula, Europeans by race, presented to it? Such questions are resolved to a certain extent as a result of studying the Book of Songs by Ibn Kuzman" [Ribera y Tarrago, 1912, p. 7] 6.

6 Ribera developed this concept in the following monographs: [Ribera y Tarrago, 1922; Ribera y Tarrago, 1927].

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But such questions with reference to the legacy of Ibn Kuzman and the Zajal genre were not resolved. Ibn Kuzman was a contemporary of Guillaume, and it was still necessary to prove that Guillaume could have overheard rhymes from poets like Ibn Kuzman, and not vice versa (or that both sides did not get them from another source, common to them, but unknown to us). The "Arab" hypothesis at that time was a rather shaky construction: on the one hand, there was the genre of the Andalusian muvashshah, a genre exclusively Arabic-speaking, and therefore most likely unfamiliar to troubadours, but whose samples appeared much earlier than the poetry of Guillaume IX, on the other hand,the poetry of the Languedoc region (Aquitaine, France) was much richer in stanzas and types of rhymes. Provence, Catalonia, and part of the Northern Italian territories), although it appeared later , and between them is the Mosarabian zajal genre, fragments of texts that supposedly could be understood by troubadours, but which, to the chagrin of supporters of the "Arab" hypothesis, was not as early a genre as muvashshah in relation to the troubadour genres. Exactlyzajal turned out to be the most interesting object for research, but a weak link in this concept.

However, Arabists and those Hebraists who were engaged in studying the literary heritage of the Sephardim generally adopted the concept of a" mixed poetic system " and began to strengthen it. For example, the Hungarian Hebraist S. M. Stern first published 20 muvashshahs in Hebrew, which he discovered during a visit to Cairo, the final stanzas of which were written in Arabic, but reflected the Mosarabian dialect (that is, they also included Romance words) [Stern, 1948]. And if Romanesque words were not only used randomly in the Zajals, but were also used in an orderly manner in earlier and more "literary" muvashshahs, this simultaneously confirmed Ribera's assumption that some "most ancient Spanish lyrics" might have influenced the nascent Arab-Andalusian poetry,and strengthened the thesis that the "most ancient Spanish lyrics" could have influenced the nascent Arab-Andalusian poetry. that the Muvashshahs may have influenced the emergence of forms of Provencal rhymed poetry.

The fragments discovered by Stern were special parts of the Muvashshahs - the kuflas of their final Dauras. This final part of the last stanza of the muvashshah is called harja (jarcha, kharja, or jarya). Harja as a phenomenon to be studied has become particularly popular among Arabists. First of all, I was interested in the question of how to interpret it correctly. Indeed, in addition to the fact that translation from Semitic languages into European languages is a certain difficulty in itself (it is three-stage: transliteration in Latin letters and obtaining non-consonant words - transcription of these words already in the consonant form - finally, their translation), it was necessary to take into account the exact form in which the authors of muvashshakhs could write in Arabic or in Hebrew, the words they use are purely Romance words. It turned out that Harji's translation was a double decryption. We can see this in the example of one of Stern's published harjas, finishing the muvashshah of the Sephardic Yehuda Halevi (1075-1141), a famous medieval poet and philosopher, another contemporary of Guillaume:

flywl 'lyno
bbts 'rdmys 'mw s'nw [Stern, 1948, p. 318].

It seems that just transliterating the text is not difficult at all. However, other transliterations followed this one:

flywl 'lyno
bbts 'drmys 'mw s'nw [Cantera, 1949, p. 216]
flywl 'lyno
nnms 'drmys 'mw s'nw [Garcia Gomez, 1952(2), p. 111]
flywl 'lynw
bbts 'rdmys 'mw s'nw [Menendez Pidal, 1965, p. 22].

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But the resulting uncoordinated words still had to be turned into ordinary words with vowels. This is what the same researchers who transliterated this Arabic couplet did::

Filyolo alieno
...a meu seno [Stern, 1948, p. 318]
Filyolu alyenu,
bebitex e durmis (?) a meu senu [Cantera, 1949, p. 216]
Como si filiolo alieno,
non mas adormes a meu seno [Garcia Gomez, 1952(2), p. 111]
Filyuelo alyeno,
bebites a [duer]mes a mio seno [Menendez Pidal, 1965, p. 22].

It is quite clear how differently the four researchers interpreted the same couplet in their transcription (the author of the third one, E. Garcia Gomez, especially "tried", who already at this stage "turned" an exclusively Arabic letter into an exclusively Romance language). It is clear that at the third stage - the transfer stage - they simply could not help but get even further away from each other. Perhaps in some cases the discrepancies were not very significant, but in others they threatened to turn into a catastrophic distortion of meaning.

I specifically focused on this example in order to emphasize that regardless of the fact that hardja is a complex phenomenon and deserves all the attention of serious researchers, it provides a wide field for speculation, namely for the interpretation of uncoordinated words "in their favor". There is a possibility that dialect Romance words may be attributed to Arabic and Sephardic texts.7
In addition, it became clear to the researchers that harja not only challenges interpreters with his dark style, but also does not reveal a clear function in the structure of muvashshah. Why do muvashshahs written in Hebrew need Arabic-language harji? Why do muvashshahs need kharji written in the Mosarab dialect in Arabic? Maybe harja is not just the final part of muvashshah, but "text within text", "genre within genre"? And why does muvashshah have harja, but Zajal usually does not? From the time of Stern to this day, Arabic scholars have wandered from one of these three phenomena to the other, as if between three pines, behind which they gradually ceased to see the forest: the question of the source of European stanzas and rhymes has not been solved by them.

Arabists and Hebraists agree that the rhymed stanzas came to the Troubadours from Al-Andalus, but they cannot agree on where they, in turn, came from in the Iberian Peninsula. The idea of the existence of some kind of folk poetry on the Iberian Peninsula in the pre-Muslim period, which, as Ribera suggested in the report quoted above, influenced the Andalusian poetry of the Arabs, was not the first to be announced by him. It is well known that for a long time and widely broadcast the idea of the origin of European poetry from the May ritual songs (not borrowed somewhere on the side, but existing right there in Europe), G. Paris. After the appearance of Ribera's works, the" autochthonous " hypothesis of the origin of Spanish-Arabic lyrics was supported.

One of the first apologists of the Ribera hypothesis was the Frenchman A. Peres, who devoted his dissertation to it (Peres, 1937). At the same time, a specialist in the field of medieval studies and

7 Also noticeable among the "arabophiles" is the tendency set by Nickle to move in the opposite direction - from Guillaume IX's song "Farai un vers, pos mi sonelh..." to Arabic in general, although it is not revealed in any specific Arabic-language texts. Most of the manuscripts that have preserved Guillaume's songs present what is also seen in the well-known edition [Jeanroy 1913, p. 10]: the fifth cobla (stanza) of the song ends with the cryptic, meaningless, interjection-like words "Babariol, babariol, / Babarian". And in manuscript C (MS. Paris BNF fr. 856), there are other lines concluding the kobla: "Tarrababart, / Marrababelio riben / Saramahart". To this day, there are speculative claims that Guillaume transformed words that were originally Arabic into "galimatias". See, for example: [Uhl, 1991; Hilty and Corriente, 2006].

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The founder of the French school of Arabic studies, E. Levy-Provencal, tried to justify the mutual independence of the Andalusian and Romanesque poetic traditions. In his opinion, the bilingualism of Andalusian poetry was connected not with the fact that it was influenced or needed to be influenced, but with the fact that the Romance language was copied by the Arabs of Al-Andalus as a foreign language, and this for them had the same aesthetic effect as Latin, the non-spoken language of the Romance Middle Ages, for Romance poets who tried to write on it [Levi-Provencal, 1938].

Their compatriot P. Le Gentius thought differently, but he took a moderate, very cautious position: he saw the proximity of some Andalusian forms to those Romanesque forms that began to spread from the XII century, but, having no evidence of the oldest Romanesque (or other) influence on the Arabs of Al-Andalus, he preferred to base only on the typological convergence of forms which existed on both sides of the Pyrenees. Rather, he tended toward the "Latin" version, and at the same time expressed the idea of growing both Arab-Andalusian and Romanesque lyrics from the same source - the oldest poetry of the places where the Romanesque tribes later spread, especially the growth of similar stanzas from the simplest couplets. This slightly eclectic and somewhat contradictory view distinguishes the researcher's monograph on the genres of Romanesque folk lyrics (Le Gentil, 1954).

Throwing from version to version distinguishes the life path of the main Spanish heir to the ideas of Ribera, E. Garcia Gomez. In the 1950s, he accepted the Ribera hypothesis both in general and in the part concerning the influence of the local song traditions of the Iberian region on the Arab invaders(Garcia Gomez, 1952 (1)). Later, in a series of works, he developed the theory of muvashshah, linking its origin with the phenomenon of kharji, but paradoxically, he eventually began to hold the opposite view of the roots of Andalusian poetry, finding them more in the Arab East than in the Iberian Peninsula (Garcia Gomez, 1965). The same point of view is generally shared by F. Corriente, a contemporary follower of Garcia Gomez (Corriente, 1998).

Today, the American researcher J. T. Monroe, who has his own original view on the "Arab" hypothesis, has an undoubted authority. He translated Andalusian poetry into English, specifically turned to the study of muvashshah, zajal and harji - and in his article "Zajal and Muvashshah: Spanish-Arabic poetry and the Romance tradition" (1992), which caused a scientific resonance, he made an interesting conclusion as a result of a comparative analysis of the structure, language, and melody of these genres.:

"...The structure of the Andalusian zajal is strikingly similar to the following types of the most primitive and widespread in Romance poetry: with the Castilian zejeles, with the French virelais, with the Galician cantigas, with the Italian ballate, with the Provencal dansas. In contrast, classical Arabic poetry cannot provide precise and convincing parallels to zajal. This, therefore, gives us good reason to suspect that the Andalusian zajal may be taking on the prosodic form of the Romance genre that preceded it, which was already widespread in Western Romania at the time when the Arabs conquered the Iberian Peninsula.

This fully justified suspicion is currently hotly contested <.. •> by a number of scholars who are, at best, correct in emphasizing the fact that all genres whose affinity to the Andalusian zajal is assumed are documented at a later period than the writings of Ibn Kuzman. Hence, what they are trying to insist on is the possibility that zajal in the Romance language may have originated from the Andalusian related Arabic-language genre. In accordance with this hypothesis, we return to the controversial issue of Arabic sources of Romance lyric poetry" [Monroe, 1992, p. 406].

This issue remains controversial to this day. It seems that proponents of various hypotheses about the origin of Roman rhymed stanzas can not agree.

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The reason, apparently, is that to this day there is no sufficiently reasoned justification for the fact that the same Guillaume IX or another troubadour borrowed both Latin rhymes and Arab-Andalusian rhymes. Here, in particular, it is impossible to rely on how well the theory linking the muvashshah, Harji and Zajal phenomena is terminologically and factually developed in the analysis and interpretation of the Andalusian texts proper, because as soon as it comes to the most important point, namely, the evidence of borrowing, researchers start on the same path trodden by generations the path of arbitrary assumptions. And if there are isolated facts of typological convergence of poetic texts on both sides of the Pyrenees, they are not able to serve as evidence of the systemic influence of one tradition on the other. Thus, the Swiss Arabist G. Scholer discovered the rhyme aaab cccb dddb mentioned above... in a poem by Guillaume Troubadour, and then showed that this type of rhyming is present in the Arabic-rooted Persian poet of the turn of the VIII-IX centuries. Abu Nuwaza said that in the East this rhyme belonged to the group of stanzas musammat (musammat) and, finally, that the rulesMusammat was borrowed by the Sephardim of the Pyrenees (Schoeler, 1991). This is interesting because the inventor of musammat is traditionally considered to be the poet Abulnajm Manuchehri, who lived at the turn of the X-XI centuries. first at the courts of the rulers of the Caspian region, and then in eastern Iran. However, the supposed fantastic journey of this particular rhymer from the Caspian region to Poitiers to Guillaume does not explain the fact that the same Guillaume even before the song "Pos de chantar m'es pres talenz..."several rhyming works that have come down to us were written.

Such indications of isolated coincidences do not lead to an explanation of the main thing, to an answer to one of the questions that I mentioned at the very beginning: "Where did rhymes come from (and also where did they first appear) in the European poetry we know?". If the question of the origin of the European exact rhymes known to us is connected with the question of the origin of the European strophic schemes known to us, then in this situation it is impossible to give an unambiguous answer. Did the troubadours get rhymes from muvashshahs or zajals, if they are found not only in zajal-like stanzas, but also in other stanzas that have no connection with the stanzas of Andalusian poetry? Unlikely.

Among other things, in my opinion, it would be necessary to pay attention to what the Arabic rhyme is in general - and whether Europeans and Arabs did not differ (and are diverging) in understanding this phenomenon. Thus, typical examples of Arabic rhymes could be found in the" Arabic Shakespeare " by Al-Mutanabbi, a poet of the tenth century, whose work was distinguished by "the coining of the form, the musicality of the verse "(Filshtinsky, 1975, p. 709). Here is the beginning of kasyda:

Fahimtul-kitaba abarral-kutub / fa-sam'an li-amri amiril-'arab
Wa taw'an lahu wa-btihajan bihi / wa in qassaral-fi'lu 'anuria wajab
Wa ma 'aqani ghayru khawfi wushati / wa innal-wishayati turqul-kadhib

From the European point of view on the phenomenon of rhyme, the first two beits (verses) are rhymed here, and from the Arabic point of view - not only all three beits, but also the initial half-verse of the first Beit along with them. Arabic kafiya (rhyme) is often a repetition of one (!) consonant, just as in the pre-rhyme era, Romance poetry used to use assonance at the ends of adjacent verses. But at the same time, it may even be that sonorous r, m, l, and together with them b, which are recognized as close in articulation, are considered "rhymed" (with such "rhyming", repeated vowels are also used). If we take different national poetic traditions of Europe, then this type of approach to" rhymes " can only be correlated with the approach of the Irish. However, rhyme can also be based on the repetition of a vowel sound and even, from the point of view of a European listener, on the repetition of a syllable, both open and closed. But at the level of

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phonetics (especially for rhymes) are difficult to draw analogies: a European rhyme is a repetition of a stressed vowel supported by repetitions of other types of sounds, while an Arabic rhyme is a repetition of the final sound supported by a given sequence of any consonants and vowels of a certain longitude. It's hard for an untrained listener to get used to this - and this fact indicates more against the fact that Guillaume received rhymes from the Arabs than for this.

But for Europeans, rhyme is also the intersection of phonetics and grammar. Since homeotelevton (in other words, "grammatical rhyme") is not recognized as a normal rhyme, it is necessary to look at Arabic verses from the side of using words of different parts of speech as rhymes. Once again, let's turn to Al-Mutanabbi and see his miniatures-two-bay and three-bay :

1. madha yaqulu 'alladhi yuganni ya hayra man tahta dhi s-sama'i
sagalta qalbi bi-lahzi 'aynl 'ilayka 'an husni dha 1-ginS'i
2. ya dha l-ma'ali wa ma'dina l-'adabi / sayyadana wa 'ibna sayyidi l-'arabi
'anta 'alimun bi-kulli mu'gizatin wa law sa'alna siwaka lam yugibi
'a hadhihi qabalatka riiqisatan 'am rafa'at riglaha min-a-ta'abi

The first thumbnail shows homeotelewton: nouns are rhymed. However, in the second, the central Beit is completed with the verb form, and the encircling ones with nouns. This means that grammatically Arabic poetry had an advantage over the "rhymed" Latin poetry, in which rhymes were the result of grammatical repetitions rather than phonetic ones. However, this advantage does not add credibility to the assumption that Guillaume Troubadour borrowed Arabic rhymes.: to appreciate the grammatical beauty of rhymes, he needed to know the language, and to perceive Arabic rhymes as sound repetitions, the language was not necessary, but phonetically, Arabic rhymes were noticeably inferior to rare cases of rhymes in Latin poems. Therefore, just as it is absolutely impossible to consider stanzas "coincidences" in the poetry of Troubadours and Arabs without considering the quality of rhymes, so it is impossible to conclude that Arabic rhymes were noticeably more attractive and effective than non-Arabic ones.

In general, it seems reasonable to approach the question of the probable "Arabic" influence on the appearance of rhymed stanzas among the poets of the Romanesque Middle Ages, the main stages of whose history have been described here, as follows:

1. It makes no sense to link the appearance of a rhyme in Europe only with one specific genre, with a specific type of stanzas, with a specific type of rhyming. Yes, the influence of Arab-Andalusian stanzas on European poetry needs to be further studied, but it is extremely dangerous to absolutize this influence, to extend it to the entire Romance lyrics, while forgetting about the possibility of other parallel influences. The tradition of using a particular Romanesque stanza (rhyme) should be separately attributed to a particular source. This would deprive the constructed historical perspective of possible distortions.

2.When discussing the question of the appearance of a rhyme in Europe as such, apart from its connection with any stanzas, it also does not make sense to rely on any one version to the detriment of others. It should be assumed that it is precisely because of the simultaneous, long-lasting and multiple influences ("Latin", "Arabic" and some other) that the Roman poets accumulated a certain critical mass of knowledge by the XII century, which, to use the term of Y. M. Lotman, once led to a "cultural explosion": the number of influences passed the quality of verse that we associate with the phenomenon of rhyme today.

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Semenov V. B. Zajal i romanski strofi XII i XIII vv. [Zajal and Roman stanzas of the XII and XIII centuries]. Series 9. Philology. 2003. N 3. pp. 14-29. = Semyonov V.B. Zadzhal' i romanskie strofy XII i XIII w. // VestnikMoskovskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Seriia 9. Filologiia. 2003. No. 3, pp. 14-29.

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