Benjamin Nnamdi Azikiwe was born on November 16, 1904 in Zungeru, northern Nigeria. By ethnicity, he is an Igbo. His father was a clerk in a local military unit. Benjamin received his primary education in Nigeria, secondary and higher education in the United States, where he lived from 1925 to 1934. After returning to Africa, Azikiwe became a professional journalist and politician. Over time, under the name Zeke, he became the country's universally recognized leader.
The last two years in America have been very productive for Azikiwe. He taught political science and wrote extensively. In his lectures on African American history, Zeke drew on several points of principle: 1) the modern history of African Americans is connected to their past; 2) they can be proud of their contribution to the history of America and the world; 3) they are not inferior in any way to representatives of other races; 4) they should not isolate themselves from other races, but, on the contrary, cooperate with them and master their achievements [Azikiwe, 1970, p. 23, 95, 119, 123, 130, 131, 135, 142, 145, 147, 184].
The study of history led Azikiwe to understand that the fates of African Americans and Africans are interdependent, that they must support each other. So he becomes an adherent of the ideology of pan-Africanism.
Here, in America, Zeke wrote a book on the history of Liberia , the first African republic. He had first heard about it back in Nigeria and was struck by the fact that the country was run by Africans themselves, that its entire staff, from the president to the lowest official, was made up of Africans. Zik presented the results of his long-term interest in Liberia and its history in the monograph "Liberia in World Politics". This book was completed in June 1934 at Lincoln University in the United States and became the best scientific work of Zeke.
During his years in America, Zeke became familiar with various ideologies. In particular, he adopted the thesis of economic determinism, formulated by Karl Marx and stating that the economy determines the development of society and its history. But Zeke also sympathized with the Fabians, who opposed the revolutionary extremes of the Marxists. He liked their leaders: Philip Snowden, Bernard Shaw, Ramsay MacDonald. Synthesizing various theories, he formulated his credo: "I am an African and must always relate all theories, ideas, proposals, etc. to this fact." In his opinion, it was necessary to rely on nationalism and the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination.
In a letter to Mr. McAuley dated April 30, 1929, he described himself as a liberal who avoided extremes. Only in questions of the future of Africa did he take revolutionary positions, but he refused to use violent methods of struggle.
In 1934, in Nigeria, Azikiwe was greeted as a hero: in those years, an African university teacher in America was an extraordinary phenomenon. And Zeke was the first such Nigerian. In his honor, a solemn meeting was held in Lagos, at which he
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He gave a lecture on "New (Young) Africa". But he couldn't find a suitable job, so he accepted an offer from the wealthy Alfred D. Okansi to become editor of the Gold Coast-based African Morning Star. The newspaper followed the philosophy of a "New (Young) Africa" and set out to achieve dominion status for the Gold Coast (in the future - Ghana). Her credo was: "Independent in its views, but not indifferent to the fate of Africa."
Zeke and his newspaper had to immediately engage in a debate on issues related to attitudes to colonialism, as well as domestic policy issues. In particular, he expressed the opinion that the leaders as leaders of society have outlived their time and should either leave the scene or completely change their views. This is the key principle of Zika: leaders are Old Africa, which is being replaced by a New (Young) Africa. The gist of Zeke's reasoning was as follows. For the European colonialists, the raw materials and labor resources of the continent are more important than the way of life and the fate of Africans. Therefore, it is the responsibility of the Africans themselves to establish themselves as an integral part of humanity and to initiate the process of rebirth. They themselves will have to radically change their lives and join the global development process.
The concept of a New Africa became the basis of Azikiwe's book "Reborn Africa", published in 1937. Her idea Zeke formulated as follows :" In the XX century, the African will inevitably be reborn. This Reborn African will be a healing factor for the world." He explained the terminology he used as follows:"Old Africa is today's Africa; New Africa is tomorrow's Africa." In Zeke's view, Old Africa has stalled in its development, despite " the outstanding contribution of ancestors in ancient times, when Ethiopia was at the zenith of its power." But the slave trade and imperialism prevented its development. The new Africa must overcome the negative impact of both of these factors.
The philosophy of New Africa became the "Five Postulates of Zikism".
The first is the idea of spiritual balance. In a resurgent Africa, all its peoples must be treated with respect. In Old Africa, the differences only served to increase the discord between different strata and ethnic groups.
Postulate two-social rebirth. African society must change, and the values of "ethics, justice and equality"must prevail. There will be a democratic society for all Africans, without distinction. They will no longer be divided into Fanti, or ga, Tempe, or Lende; Yoruba, or Igbo; Bantu, or Tuareg.
Postulate three. The "Economic Determinism Thesis" will be the foundation of economic thought in Africa. As noted, Zeke believed in the principle of economic determinism formulated by Karl Marx. He believed that a New Africa would emerge only if it was supported by a solid economy. There will be no monopoly on wealth for the elite, and the pursuit of profit will not determine the life of an African.
Postulate four-spiritual emancipation. African youth will have to believe in themselves, feel equal to representatives of any other race in the spiritual and physical sense, get rid of the inferiority complex.
Postulate five. When the first four postulates are implemented, Africa will be reborn and enter a stage of political revolutionary change [Azikiwe, 1970, pp. 218-219, 255, 260; Renascent Africa...., 1969, p. 7 - 10, 24 - 28, 120 - 140].
The struggle for a New Africa will have to be waged in all directions. In the economic sphere, Africa must catch up with the rest of the world. To achieve this, African business must change its essence. The main difference between African and European businesses is determined by a different approach to the principle of cooperation, the meaning of which is to work together. The European, creating financial capital, seeks to expand
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business, attracting thousands of people to work. The African, on the other hand, prefers to act alone, even if his business reaches a stage where the efforts of many are required.
Zeke often oversimplified problems when he expressed these thoughts. This is how he explained the inevitability of the struggle between capital and labor. According to the principle of economic determinism, there are two groups in society: the landowners or bourgeoisie, i.e., the capitalists, and the proletariat, i.e., the workers. The latter, without capital, become a class of people who live exclusively on wages. Their prototype is serfs and slaves. Another example of a simplified approach is the argument about the dictatorship of the proletariat. According to Zeke, workers should have the right to collectively defend their interests: to resort to strikes and boycotts in the fight for higher wages. Reduced working hours, social legislation, reasonable leisure. But, as history shows, the authorities usually support the capitalists, refusing to help the workers achieve economic liberation.
How can we explain that Africa's level of development is inferior to Belgium, Portugal, Spain and many other non-major Western countries? The main reason for this, according to Zika, is the spiritual poverty of the leaders of modern Africa. Before Zika, the situation in Africa was compared with the achievements of colonial Powers, whose strength and power spoke for themselves. When compared with the relatively weak states of Europe, a sense of condescending irony was born, and the fear of Europe's greatness receded. The main thing for Zika is to condemn the colonial authorities who do not contribute to the arrival of democracy in Africa. Criticism of colonialism is at the heart of Zikism.
The term "Zikism" was first coined by Akweke Abyssinia Nwafor Orizu, another Nigerian who studied in the United States and published the book "Without the Bitterness of Resentment" there. He took it upon himself to describe Azikiwe's views as a solid, well-established philosophy that successfully combined the achievements of Africa in the past with dreams of what the continent will become. Orizu fully supported Azikiwe's thesis on Young Africa. He was convinced that youth means years of active participation in political life. As Azikiwe himself said: "Without the young impulses of body and soul, public policy declines." Young Africa must overcome the resistance of Old Africa. Young Africa does not want to accept the fate of"woodcutters and water carriers". It intends to build its own free home, where there will be no place for one nation to rule over another. Thus, next to a free Britain will be a free Nigeria (Orizu, 1944, p. 4). 287, 292, 294, 296, 298 - 135, 322 - 324, 327, 328, 332 - 335].
By blaming Africa's backwardness on its leaders, Zeke attacked Old Africa and supported New Africa. No wonder the old guard was outraged. Opponents dubbed Zeke a "stray bird" and advised him to return to Nigeria.
Zeke counterattacked vigorously: "New ideas are born in young minds, and they create a new order." Or: "Tennyson wrote that the old order inevitably passes away, giving way to a new one, otherwise the old customs will ruin the world."
Zeke denounced not only colonialism, but also loyal African figures, whom he called "the obedient guys of the empire" or "the dumb guys of the empire." These actions irritated the Gold Coast's top officials. They were only looking for an excuse to stop Zika's activities. Such an opportunity soon presented itself to them [Jones-Quartey, 1965, pp. 124-127].
On May 15, 1936, the African Morning Post published an article by I. T. A. Wallace-Johnson entitled " Is There a God for the African?" The authorities accused its author of inciting disobedience for saying:" 'Civilized' Europeans should implement the 'civilization' of 'savage Africans' with machine guns." The author and editor were arrested. Their case attracted attention not only in the Golden Bee colony-
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reg, but also in Nigeria, Sierra Leone and all of West Africa. Wallace-Johnson was convicted and Zeke acquitted; authorities could not prove that he was an editor on the day the paper was published and signed the article to print. However, after the trial, Zeke decided to return to his homeland.
In 1937, Azikiwe, already a recognized politician, returned to Nigeria. In some ways, his triumphant arrival was reminiscent of Mahatma Gandhi's return from South Africa to India in 1915. He has already become a living legend - the boy from the family of a small clerk made his way from obscurity to fame, became an outstanding writer, journalist, orator.
The economic situation in Nigeria was favorable. The volume of the country's trade turnover was: in 1914 - 4 million pounds, in 1920 - 20 million, in 1925-34 million, in 1931-15.5 million, in 1937 - 37 million pounds. After the adoption of the Clifford Constitution in 1922, there were no major public events. The activity of the National Congress of British West Africa was weak, despite the efforts of Herbert McAuley (Frenkel, 2003). Governor Donald Cameron's reforms addressed only minor issues and legal norms and did not generate public enthusiasm. The authorities managed to deal with the opposition of the Nigerian Youth Movement, giving one of its leaders a grant to study medicine in London, and another-a lucrative position in the civil service.
Nevertheless, there were serious problems behind the calm exterior. Between 1922 and 1937, seven or eight political parties or movements emerged in the country. At times, they enjoyed fairly broad support. And most importantly, a group of politically active Nigerians was formed during these years, seeking serious reforms. The voice of these people was expressed by Azikiwe and his mouthpiece, the West African Pilot newspaper founded in 1937, which became the center of nationalism for the next 20 years and the herald of Zikism. His scientific achievements in the United States, the books "Liberia in World Politics" and "Africa Reborn", the art of public speaking, the experience of a newspaper editor, and the concept of Young Africa worked for Zika's authority. The presence of an iron will and the ability to hold on contributed to his success.
Several circumstances have had a positive impact on the political activity of Nigerians since Azikiwe's return. The main thing among them was that the country has developed a wide audience that is ready to join public life. Students became an important part of this audience. And if earlier politicians appealed to the top of society, then Zik has become an expression of the mood of the broader layers of the people.
In the 1930s there was a rapprochement between nationalists and communists. After the Sixth Congress of the Comintern (1928), the Communists made contacts with nationalists among African Americans and Africans. In 1932, Moscow was visited by D. Padmore and I. Wallace-Johnson, who at that time lived in Nigeria, was the publisher of the newspaper "Nigerian Daily Telegraph" and the head of the African workers ' union. After visiting Moscow, Padmore went to London, and Wallace-Johnson returned to Lagos. Both became agents of the idea of cooperation with the Communists. They set themselves the task of " turning the struggle for economic and political rights ultimately into a struggle for power and self-determination." Followers of this trend argued: "Only the victory of communism will bring a solution to the racial problem for Negroes, ""Only in Russia today the Negro is a free man," and " Whites are killing Africa."
Italy's war against Ethiopia has sparked outrage in Nigeria. The Abyssinian Association was formed in support of Ethiopia. It included leading figures from Lagos. A Committee for the Protection of Ethiopia was established in London. It is characteristic that all these actions were carried out on behalf of Africa, and not a single country, i.e. pan-African motives still prevailed. This was explained by the fact that the new elite of Nigeria had pro-Western views and hoped for the possibilities of pan-Africanism. Its main leaders are rooted in
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They went to Sierra Leone and Liberia, and their ethnic ties with Nigeria were weak. It can therefore be argued that the generation of nationalist leaders in Nigeria before Azikiwe did not have strong ethnic roots in the country [Azikiwe, 1961, p. 69; Azikiwe, 1970, p. 261, 270, 272, 275; Jones-Quartey, 1965, p. 131, 136, 137-145; Shwarz, 1968, p. 96; Crowder, 1978, p. 218; Coleman, 1958, p. 207-221].
The first issue of Zika's West African Pilot was published on November 22, 1937. It soon became the most popular newspaper in Nigeria. In 1939, its circulation reached 10 thousand copies. Contemporaries believed that the newspaper revolutionized the world of the Nigerian press and immediately acquired a national character.
Zika propaganda has been militant and aggressive. He introduced the terms "Greater Africa", "Africa and Africans", as well as the concepts of Ghanaians, Nigerians, Liberians (instead of Fanti, Yoruba, Americanoliberians), nations (instead of tribes). He spoke as a herald of pan-Africanism and called for the formation of a united West Africa. In the editorial of July 21, 1938, he wrote:: "As long as we take care of the interests of Nigeria, the Gold Coast, Sierra Leone, the Gambia, and not a United West Africa, we will put up with a colonial dictatorship and we will not have the power of the people, through the people, for the people, i.e. democracy." From the pages of his newspaper, he appealed not only to the elite, but also to a wider audience: teachers, clerks, workers, young people, urban residents and rural residents [Azikiwe, 1970, p. 294, 301; Jones-Quartey, 1965, p. 147-154; Awolowo, 1964, p. 84; Coleman, 1958, p. 207-221].
When Azikiwe returned to Nigeria, he was faced with the choice of joining the G. McAuley NNDP (Nigerian National Democratic Party), joining the DNM (Nigerian Youth Movement), or forming a new party. He chose the DNM and joined its Central Executive Committee. A powerful staff was formed: E. Ikoli, Samuel Akisanya, D. C. Vonn, G. O. Davis and Azikiwe. Later they were joined by Ovafemi Awolowo. The Nigerian Youth Movement itself was founded in 1934. At first, it was limited to Lagos, but in 1936 it became a national movement. The Nigerian Youth Movement was a nationalist organization, but it was very moderate on political issues, declaring its loyalty to the King and the Governor.
The DNM became the main competitor of the McAuley party. Until 1938, the latter's party won every election in Lagos. In 1938, the DNM defeated her. One of the reasons for his success, according to experts, was the fact that McAuley and other leaders of his party were not indigenous Nigerians, but re-emigrants-Aku. Thus, the DNM initiated the process of nigerization of the leaders of the national movement. The DNM claimed that at the end of 1938 it had 10,000 members and almost 20 local branches. In 1938 and 1940. it has held two pan-Nigerian conferences. One of the most significant public events of the DNM can be attributed to the support of cocoa producers in their struggle against foreign buyers in 1938.
In 1941. Zeke broke up with the DNM. His withdrawal from the movement was primarily due to the fact that by the end of August 1940 there was an open gap between Azikiwe and Awolowo. The latter accused Zeke of wanting to establish Igbo supremacy over the Yoruba, for which he allegedly turned his newspaper into a body that glorifies the Igbo and denigrates the Yoruba. In 1941, Azikiwe joined the NNDP, and on August 26, 1944, together with Herbert McAuley, he founded a new party , the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon (CNPC). The emergence of the NCNC took place during the Second World War, which led to a sharp increase in the liberation movement in Nigeria. The horizons of Nigerians and their awareness of themselves as part of the world community have expanded. About 100 thousand Nigerians participated in military operations in North and East Africa and in Southeast Asia.
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In the two decades between World War I and World War II, Nigeria underwent dramatic changes. The number of literates grew from several thousand to more than a million, the country's economy was integrated into the world economy, and forces that reflected national interests emerged. There was a qualitative leap in the army of hired labor. In 1939, there were 183,000 wage earners in Nigeria; in 1946, there were 300,000. The volume of exports during these years increased from 10.3 million f.st. to 24.6 million, imports-from 6.8 million f. st. to 19.8 million. [Coleman, 1958, p. 204, 218, 220, 225, 226, 239 - 248, 254, 255, 260].
Nigerians unconditionally sided with the Allies. Their sympathies extended even to the little-known Soviet Union. So, in 1943, the Red Army Club was formed in Lagos, and the DNM sent congratulations to the leadership of the USSR on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the Red Army. The newspaper Azikiwe celebrated the military prowess of the Russians day after day.
During the war, a new, younger generation of nationalists emerged, demanding self-government and insisting that a united front of Nigerians be created to achieve this goal. All currents of nationalists demanded reforms. These sentiments predetermined the transition of the nationalist leadership from the older generation (G. McAuley, G. Thomas), who advocated slow reforms within the framework of the colonial regime, to young intellectuals who demanded faster and more radical changes.
It is generally accepted that the war has made a real revolution in the minds of Africans. "We need freedom, and only freedom," the war veterans said when they returned to their homeland. And of course, the Atlantic Charter, which proclaimed in August 1941 the right of peoples to choose their own form of government, seriously influenced the minds of Nigerians. This principle was immediately adopted by nationalist leaders who demanded that Nigeria be granted self-government. The impact of the Second World War on social processes in Nigeria was noted by Azikiwe himself. He wrote that Africans, on the one hand, contributed to the victory of democracy, and on the other, used its principles to defend their own interests.
As you know, the head of Great Britain during the war years, W. Churchill was a strong opponent of the decolonization of Africa. He said that the Atlantic Charter applies only to the peoples of Europe, it is only "a wish, not a law" and "we intend to keep what we have." In response to these remarks, Azikiwe was equally emphatic: "I see no place for a prosperous and peaceful Nigeria while maintaining its current colonial status."
Fortunately for Africa, not everyone in Britain shared Churchill's opinion. Labour leader Clement Attlee in 1941 spoke of the need to " expand the scope of self-government and political freedom in Africa." In general, the British Labour Party during the war years condemned colonialism, proposing to introduce a guardianship system instead.
The confrontation in the British ruling circles brought changes in the colonial policy of the mother countries. In this process, London was ahead of Paris. Already in 1943, he began to consider the possibility of granting independence to the colonies. After India and Ceylon gained sovereignty, the British Commonwealth of Nations emerged, and the British government recognized the inevitability of political concessions to the colonial peoples, but urged them to take their time and act cautiously. This program was disguised as arguments about the need to create a "middle class" in Africa that would ensure progress, democracy, and the triumph of the principles of capitalism and parliamentarism on the continent.
On August 26, 1944, the formation of the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon was announced, headed by G. McAuley (Chairman) and N. Azikiwe (Secretary General).-
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container). It includes two parties (the Democratic Party and the Young Democrats), two trade unions, four literary clubs, eight professional associations, 11 sports clubs, and 101 tribal unions. Prior to 1952, only organizations that were overwhelmingly Lagos-based were members of the NCNC. The party's strength stemmed from non-Yoruba support for Azikiwe and long-standing sympathy for Makoli from Lagos women merchants and supporters of the Dosemo dynasty.
The founding document proclaimed the party's goal - to create a State of representative democracy through political education of the masses. The movement towards independence was divided into two stages. At the first stage-gaining self-government under British rule, at the second-gaining independence and moving on to building the state as a socialist commonwealth. The party said it stands "for political freedom, economic independence, social equality, and religious tolerance."
This is how the National People's Congress (CNPC) emerged - a national party based on the ideology of nationalism. Her education was an important milestone in the country's liberation movement. According to Zika's own assessment, the NCNC differed from other organizations primarily in that it moved from the "talking point" stage to the "positive action" stage with broad support [Azikiwe, 1960, p. 165, 166, 179, 180, 312, 315; Jones-Quartey, 1965, 155, 156, 184, 185; Davidson, 1978, p. 235].
In the 1940s, Zika emerged as a serious competitor in the political arena. He became the leader of the Yoruba Awolowo, leader of the Action Group (DG) party. True, at times they performed together, but more often they took opposite positions.
What was the crux of Zeke and Awolowo's disagreement?
Zik himself defined it as follows: "The differences between NSNC and DG can be seen from the attitude to three key problems: 1) about self-government... The Action Group does not believe that Nigeria will achieve self-government in the next five years; 2) on democracy... The Action Group does not believe in democracy, it wants fascism to come to Nigeria; 3) about a united Nigeria... The Action Group doesn't believe in a unified Nigeria, it stands for a three-part country like Pakistan."
As we can see, they differed in their understanding of the key issue for Nigeria - its national structure. Zik advocated a unitary Nigeria with local autonomy for ethnic groups, with the aim of uniting them in the future into a single nation. His slogan at the time was "United Nigeria". At this stage, Zeke was strongly opposed to dividing the country into three regions, seeing it as a " national catastrophe." He said: "I am against dividing the country into three regions. I propose that it be divided according to ethnic and linguistic characteristics, so that each group can exercise local and cultural autonomy." The NCSC recommended that the country be divided "into states on a national and linguistic basis".
Avolovo insisted on the political autonomy of large ethnic groups. In 1946, in the book" The Path to Freedom of Nigeria", he formulated the principle of the federal structure of the country.
Over time, Zeke modified his position, and he also began to use the terms "federation"; "tribes and nations of Nigeria"; "a truly federal system", which for a long time were the slogans of Avolovo. So, in 1950, he put forward the idea of " dividing the country in accordance with the main ethnic and / or linguistic borders." However, even in this case, he meant a democratic process that "generates a sense of unity among the people of Nigeria." Awolowo believed that 100 ethnic groups in Nigeria would eventually form separate states.
At the same time, dissatisfaction with the prevailing Yoruba influence in Lagos was growing among the Igbo community. To counter it, the Igbo Federal Union (later known as the Igbo Union) was formed in 1943.,
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in 1948, it was renamed the Igbo State Union), and Azikiwe became its president.
Differences between Zika and Awolowo were also observed on the issue of a socio-economic model for Nigeria. Zeke, as noted, recognized the virtues of socialism and wanted to put its achievements at the service of Africa. In 1944, he wrote that "only socialism can bring the proclaimed principles to life"; in 1949, he argued:: "We are determined to transform Nigeria into a fully democratic and socialist commonwealth, so that the various nations and communities that inhabit it own and control the most important means of production and distribution." In an address to the annual CNPC conference in Lagos on April 4, 1949, he stated: "Our goal is to bring Nigeria into a democratic and socialist commonwealth that will enable our peoples and communities to own and control the basic means of production and distribution, and thereby effectively promote the cause of political freedom, economic stability, social equality, religious tolerance, and the rule of law. prosperity of the society". In those years, Zeke denounced capitalism, although he intended to use its achievements in the interests of education and progress in Africa.
After 1949 Zeke talks less and less about the virtues of socialism and nationalization, and more about individual initiative. The transformation was completed by 1956, when Zik, as Prime Minister of the Eastern Region, in the name of "economic recovery" began to pursue a policy of encouraging free enterprise.
Avolovo blamed the state for solving economic problems. In his opinion, it was the government that was supposed to carry out public financing and economic planning. He was an outspoken opponent of both Marxist socialism and capitalism. Formally, the CNPC preached "pragmatic socialism", while the DG preached "democratic socialism". But what was the difference between them, it was not clear. As for Zeke, he should be considered not so much a supporter of socialism as a follower of the" new deal " of F. Roosevelt [Azikiwe, 1960, p. 229, 230; Awolowo, 1960, p. 165, 172; Schwarz, 1968, p. 94, 95; Coleman, 1958, p. 335, 346; JonesQuartey, 1965, p. 178, 179; Enahoro, 1965, p. 67, 371].
In July 1943. Zeke led a delegation of eight journalists visiting the UK. During the visit, Zeke made several demands to the colonial authorities about the need for reforms in the constitutional structure, economy and social relations in the colonies of West Africa. This program, called the Atlantic Charter and British West Africa, called for the elimination of the colonial system, the Africanization of all forms of civil service, the allocation of 400 scholarships for young students, the formation of elected government bodies within the next 10 years, and then, in another five, the complete transfer of power to Africans. In other words, Zeke insisted that the four British colonies of West Africa gain independence by 1958.British Prime Minister Winston Churchill ignored these demands, and the delegation of journalists left with nothing.
After returning from London, Zeke published two pamphlets in the same year, 1943, outlining his demands to the colonial authorities: "The Blue Book of Nigeria"and" Economic Restructuring in Nigeria".
These publications set out two leading principles of the Zika worldview: the belief that Africa has vast human and material resources, and the belief that the colonial system is preserved only because of these resources. Based on these premises, he argued that all of Nigeria's constitutions served the same purpose - to consolidate the country's dependence on Great Britain.
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Zeke expressed confidence that Nigeria would become independent in 15 years. This was the way he saw the path to his desired freedom. In the first phase, eight protectorates are created in Nigeria, headed by governors-General. The leadership of the country is assigned to the Cabinet of Ministers, and in protectorates - to the executive councils. Legislative power is exercised by the Commonwealth Parliament, protectorate legislative councils, municipal and village councils. Judicial bodies are established on the same principle: the Supreme court of the Commonwealth, protectorate courts, municipal and village courts.
In the mid-1940s, Zeke's plans seemed like a baseless fantasy, even though they contained no new discoveries. They repeated the ideas of earlier ideologues of African nationalism. But only Zik decided to declare independence in 1943. Other leaders were only preparing themselves to demand independence, and only Zik decided to do it in practice [Azikiwe, 1970, p. 358; Jones-Quartey, 1965, p. 161-164; Coleman, 1958, p. 240, 241; Awolowo, 1960, p. 167].
In January 1945, the CNPC published its program, and in March, the Governor of Nigeria, Arthur Richards, published the constitutional proposals of the authorities.
There were fundamental differences between the two documents. The provisions of the Richards Constitution were limited to two main innovations: first, the colony of Nigeria was divided into three regions (regions) - Northern, Western and Eastern; secondly, regional legislative councils were created, as well as the central legislative council, which had advisory functions. The NCSC program, for its part, proclaimed the desire for self-government. The country's goal is to achieve dominion status by 1957, but internal self-government must be granted immediately.
Traditionally, the colonial authorities considered the chiefs to be their mainstay and did not want their prerogatives to pass to elected representatives of Nigerians. The Richards Constitution was an attempt to find a compromise between these alternatives. It would preserve the power of traditional representatives in the North and limit the powers of the elected legislative council, or, in Richards 'words, undermine the" absurdly dominant influence of Lagos." Richardet remained in the memory of Nigerians as a governor who turned all nationalists against him and initiated the regional structure of the country. And one more thing. While Nigerians sought the right to participate in decision-making, the Richards Constitution only allowed them to participate in the discussion of these decisions.
While these disputes were going on, a labor conflict broke out in the country in June 1945 - strikes began in protest against high prices and low wages. By this time, there were 85 trade unions in Nigeria (compared to 12 in 1940). Zeke supported the strikers. Individual workers ' actions soon developed into a general strike. Thanks to Azikiwe's resolute stance during the 1945 general strike, he became known as a defender of the interests of workers, and trade unions and the working masses joined the nationalist movement. The strike was an event in the country's history.
Sympathy for the NCSC was growing. In April 1946, Zeke and McAuley made a triumphant tour of the country. Thousands of Nigerians came out to meet them. This was a direct challenge to the colonial authorities. Unfortunately, these successes were overshadowed by McAuley's sudden demise. He died at the age of 82. At McAuley's funeral, Azikiwe said: "He gave his life for the liberation of Africa... achieving social equality, economic well-being, religious tolerance and political freedom... We will continue to fight for these ideals of freedom and achieve victory in our lifetime."
After the demise of Mr. McAuley, Zeke became the unquestionably recognized leader of nationalists across West Africa, taking more radical positions and resorting to more aggressive policies.
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bolder propaganda than his predecessors-G. McAuley, D. E. Casley-Hayford, D. Eggry. The 1946 tour led to a dramatic upsurge in the national movement in Nigeria and turned the CNPC into a recognized leader [Azikiwe, 1960, p. 155, 156, 315, 317, 319; Coleman, 1958, p. 4. 259, 267, 272 - 277, 284 - 286, 291; Azikiwe, 1970, p. 369, 372, 374].
In June-October 1947, the NCSC delegation was in London. She was sent there to raise the issue of reform of the colonial system. For her expenses in Nigeria, 13 thousand pounds were collected in the form of voluntary donations. The delegation consisted of seven members representing Igbo, Yoruba, and Hausa. On her behalf, Azikiwe called on London to repeal the current constitution and give the people of Nigeria "greater political responsibility". At the same time, Governor A. Richards spoke about the danger of transferring power to the "inexperienced hands" of Africans. The delegation did not do much, but in Nigeria, its members were greeted as triumphants, with slogans such as "Freedom or death", "Self-government", and "Nigeria for all time". The visit made it clear to the British government that its policy in the colonies does not take into account the changes in the world during the war years [History of Nigeria..., pp. 214, 218; Coleman, 1958, p. 296, 300-307; Sklar, 1983, p.77].
The year 1948 was a milestone in the history of nationalism in Nigeria. First, Azikiwe returned to the Legislative Council and harshly criticized the authorities. Secondly, the unpopular Governor Richards, who had acquired a reputation as an enemy of nationalism, was dismissed. He was succeeded by John McPherson, a tactful and moderate official. The new governor announced what is to come: 1) revision of the Richards Constitution; 2) Africanization of the upper echelons of power; 3) revision of the indirect governance system; 4) expansion of the university network.
The new Governor-General promised changes, and they followed. MacPherson first set out to review the provisions of the Richards Constitution and begin to Africanize the cadres. On the issue of the constitution, it was decided to resort to a previously unprecedented measure-a survey of the population, from ordinary community members to prominent emirs. As a result of this referendum, specific measures were implemented. So, in May 1948, a special commission on the Africanization of personnel was established. Zeke joined the group, and his suggestions became the basis for discussion. In August, the commission published a report suggesting greater involvement of Nigerians in leadership positions. As a result, the number of senior Nigerian officials more than tripled over the next three years, from 182 to 628. In the same year, 1948, educational reforms were implemented. The first university in the country - in Ibadan-was opened, and opportunities for obtaining education at all levels were expanded. Changes were also made in the local government system: the native administration and administrative officials were merged into a single service [Azikiwe, 1960, p. 172; Coleman, 1958, p. 308, 309; Jones-Quartey, 1965, p.186-191].
These positive changes were accompanied, unfortunately, by an increase in interethnic contradictions and personal hostility between the leaders.
A. T. Baleva, the leader of the Northerners, stated in March 1947:: "Nigeria as a single state exists only on paper... We don't want our southern neighbors to interfere in our development." In December 1949, the Hausa created the Association of the Congress of the Peoples of the North (KNS) (later, on October 1, 1951, transformed into a party) and openly challenged the southerners, the leaders of the liberation movement in the country. This became apparent at the First Pan-Nigerian Constitutional Conference, which opened in Ibadan on January 9, 1950. There were heated ethnic disputes between Southerners and northerners, and the rivalry between Azikiwe and Awolowo was openly displayed. Disputes and disagreements on the ethnic issue were reflected in the decisions of the conference. She called for strengthening the regional autonomy regime within a unified Nigeria. If the regionalization process has just begun
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As the Richards Constitution put it, the MacPherson Constitution took another step in this direction, giving the regions legislative and financial powers and their own executive bodies.
The MacPherson Constitution came into effect at the end of June 1951. This year was a milestone in the history of nationalism in Nigeria. A new constitution was adopted, which for the first time involved Nigerians themselves, and three political parties were formed that reflected the interests of the three regions, respectively. In addition, MacPherson's reforms meant revising the policy of the authorities in relation to the new elite - from relying on leaders, they moved to cooperation with the educated part of society.
But these significant concessions from the UK did not answer the main question - about self-government and independence, that is, about the possibility of governing Nigeria without the British. With the concessions of 1948-1951, the authorities did not manage to "buy" the nationalists, although the situation in Nigeria returned to normal and some nationalists decided that they could be satisfied with what they had achieved.
If Azikiwe expressed common Nigerian aspirations, then along with him began to act leaders who reflected the interests of such ethnic groups as the Yoruba and Hausa-Fulani. The MacPherson Constitution reinforced tendencies toward ethnocentrism and regional separatism. A year later, it became obvious that it does not weaken, but, on the contrary, increases ethnic discord. For this reason, Zeke, speaking at the Fourth Annual CNPC Conference on August 17, 1952, criticized the MacPherson Constitution, which "is bad because it destroys our national unity, deprives us of basic human rights, makes a mockery of democracy in Nigeria and Cameroon, and preserves the era of open despotism in our country "(Jones-Quartey, 1965, pp. 189-194; Coleman, 1958, p. 295, 310, 317, 318, 369 - 371].
At the end of 1951, Azikiwe once again suggested that Awolowo join forces in the struggle for independence and overcome existing differences. As a basis for rapprochement, Zik put forward the principle: "One country, one constitution, one destiny." The Action Group supported this initiative. As for the leadership of the KNC, it opposed the Zika plan with its slogan: "One North, one people!".
Despite Zeke's suggestion, the disengagement continued. The mainstay of Zika was the Eastern region inhabited by Igbo. Growing ethnic tensions undermined Zika's unionist vision, and he resigned from the central government to become Prime Minister of the Eastern Region.
On April 1, 1953, a constitutional crisis broke out in the country after Anthony Enahoro, a member of the Legislative Council from the Action Group, introduced a bill to grant Nigeria self-government status in 1956, and the authorities immediately rejected it. In protest, the deputies from the Action Group and the CNPC left the meeting room, and the ministers from the Action Group resigned from the Government. Zeke and Awolowo staged a public reconciliation scene and declared their readiness to act together. In the North, pogroms of Southerners began. On May 16-19, 1953, Kano was engulfed in riots, during which about 300 people were killed and injured.
To overcome the conflict, a conference of Nigeria's leading political parties was convened in London. It was held from July 30 to August 22, 1953, and it reached a decision in principle to grant the South the status of self-government in 1956. The conference was continued in Lagos on January 19, 1954, and it was decided that Nigeria would be a federation of three regions (provinces) and the federal territory of Lagos. Based on the agreement reached, the leaders of the three regions - Awolovo, Azikive and Sardun Ahmadu Bello - developed a new plan for the state structure. These provisions, called the "1953-54 Constitution" or the "Littleton Constitution", were approved during the U.S. presidential election.
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at the end of 1954 [Pribytkovsky, 1961, p. 153; Enahoro, 1961, p. 121, 122; Azikiwe, 1961, p. 117-125, 305; Jones-Quartey, 1965, p. 193, 197-200, 226].
In 1956, the next constitutional conference was held in an atmosphere of convergence of the positions of the three political parties. This became possible after the leaders of the Northerners suddenly and abruptly changed their position on May 30, 1956: instead of an indefinite "when it will be possible", they demanded self-government for the North in 1959. In this situation, the southerners also reconsidered their decision and started talking about self-government in 1956 and independence in 1959. This allowed all three parties to take a common position on the issue of self-government and independence for the first time.
On March 26, 1957, the Federal House of Representatives decided that Nigeria should become independent in 1959. This demand was supported by deputies from both the South and the North. In May 1957, a new constitutional conference was held in London. At the meeting, the delegates of Nigeria proposed to introduce the post of Prime Minister and establish a bicameral legislative body of the federation-the Senate and the House of Representatives, with elections to be held on the eve of independence. Several commissions were formed to implement these proposals.
In September 1958, the Constitutional Conference met again, this time in Lagos. It reviewed the results of the work of the commissions established in 1957. Agreement was reached on most of the issues. The most difficult decision was not to create new states based on ethnicity until independence, as the Action Group insisted. A federation government was formed, headed by Ahmadu Bello, consisting of 12 ministers from the three main parties. This time, London conceded on a key issue: He agreed to grant Nigeria independence on October 1, 1960.
Nigeria gained independence on October 1, 1960. Its first head was Nnamdi Azikiwe. For 30 years, Zeke fought for the independence of Nigeria. And now the goal is achieved. Surprisingly, Azikiwe predicted the date of independence of Nigeria in 1943, when he said that in 15 years his country would become independent [Coleman, 1958, p. 376, 403, 404; Enahoro, 1965, p. 151; Jones-Quartey, 1965, p. 204 - 211, 215, 216, 219; Crowder, 1978, p. 238, 239; History of Nigeria..., 1981, p. 228; Azikiwe, 1961, p. 204-208].
Independence was a huge victory for the Nigerian people. Nigeria was led to this victory by a galaxy of young political figures who entered the public arena in the 1940s and 1950s, and Nnamdi Azikiwe became perhaps the most prominent figure of this galaxy. His popularity was boundless. Parents named their children after him. His name became a symbol of the struggle against colonialism.
Azikiwe and other nationalist leaders formulated the principles of an independent Nigeria: 1) it must remain within the borders of the colony that preceded it; 2) its institutions must be similar to those of the mother country; 3) these institutions are placed under the full control of the Africans. It is noteworthy that the issues of economy and ethnic consolidation were not given sufficient attention. It was taken for granted that free enterprise would solve all the problems of economic development, that eventually all ethnic groups would merge into a single nation.
And now the independence of Nigeria has been achieved. However, the euphoria was short-lived. As soon as the common enemy - foreign colonialism - disappeared from the scene, the problems of the economy, interethnic contradictions and rivalry between leaders began to come to the fore. They turned into a deep social crisis. A fierce struggle has developed over the choice of the path of economic development and the place of the state in this process. On November 23, 1961, Avolovo introduced a bill on the nationalization of major industrial and commercial enterprises. This led to a split in society.
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The personnel problem turned out to be no less difficult. The government of A. Baleva has taken a course towards nigerization of the state apparatus. This gave an advantage to Southerners, who had a higher level of education and professional training. The Northerners felt that their interests were being infringed. There is a deadlock situation. The Western and Eastern regions had fewer seats in the Federal Parliament than the Northern One, but the latter could not effectively govern the country without the support of one of them.
The problem of interethnic relations has become extremely acute. Differences on this issue existed not only between the North and the South, but also among southerners. These differences are reflected in the party programs. The ethno-regional character of political parties that emerged before the declaration of independence intensified after 1960. The NCNC relied primarily on Igbo, the DG on Yoruba, and the KNC on Hausa and Fulani. At the same time, the NCNC was more tolerant on the ethnic issue.
And Azikiwe, while remaining a national leader, began to represent the interests of his ethnic community to a greater extent than before. Azikiwe wasn't the only one who made this transformation. This path was taken by Avolovo, Baleva and many others.
Compared to the figures who led Nigeria's independence movement, Azikiwe was the most educated and prepared to lead the country. He knew all of Nigeria better than anyone else, as he was born in the North and spoke Hausa, studied in Lagos and spoke Yoruba, but remained Igbo and spoke his native language. Azikiwe's political dream was a united Nigeria as an active member of the Pan-African Community. Pan-African sentiments were so deeply imbued with him that he practically did not use the word "Nigerian"to anyone. In his language, there were only the terms "African" and"European".
Nnamdi Azikiwe continued to participate in the country's political and public life for a long time after Nigeria's independence. In 1964, he became President of the First Republic of Nigeria, and in January 1966, he was removed from power in a military coup. After that, Azikiwe devoted himself to education and charity. He collected a personal library with a set of newspapers from Nigeria and Ghana for the XIX century and dissertations on Africa, financially supported educational institutions and publishing houses, allocated personal scholarships to students, and was still passionate about journalism.
Azikiwe played a role in the Nigerian civil war from 1967 to 1970, first supporting the defected Igbo and then advocating reconciliation between the warring parties. In August 1969, he held talks in Monrovia, Liberia, with the Leader of Nigeria, Yakubu Gowon, which helped put an end to the bloodshed and restore a united Nigeria.
After the end of the civil war, Azikiwe lived for another 25 years (he died on May 11, 1996), continuing to participate in the political life of the country. In 1978-1983, he headed the Nigerian People's Party and twice ran for the post of President of the Republic. But he has lost the broad support of Nigerians. Other times have come, and a new generation of politicians has come to lead the country.
list of literature
History of Nigeria in the new and modern times, Moscow, 1981.
Pribytkovsky L. N. Nigeria in the Struggle for Independence, Moscow, 1961.
Herbert McAuley - the father of Nigerian Nationalism / / Orient (Oriens). 2003. N 4.
Awolowo O. Awo. The Autobiography of Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Cambridge, 1960.
Azikiwe N. My Odyssey. An Autobiography. L., 1970.
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Azikiwe N. Renascent Africa. N. Y., 1969.
Azikiwe N. Zik. A Selections from the Speeches of Nnamdi Azikiwe. Cambridge, 1961.
Coleman J. S. Nigeria: Background to Nationalism. Los Angeles, 1958.
Crowder M. The Story of Nigeria. L., 1978.
Davidson B. Africa in Modern History: The Search for a New Society. L., 1978.
Enahoro A. Fugitive Offender. L., 1965.
Hodgkin T. Nationalism in Colonial Africa. L., 1956.
Jones-Quartey K. A. B. A Life of Azikiwe. Harmonsworth, 1965.
Orizu A. A. N. Without Bitterness. Western Nations in Post-War Africa. N. Y., 1944.
Schwarz W. Nigeria. L., 1968.
Sklar R. L. Nigerian Political Parties. Power in Emergent African Nations. N. Y., 1983.
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