Kwam Nkrumah's share of brilliant victories and the ecstasy of absolute power, the unexpected collapse and betrayal of his associates, forced emigration and painful reassessment of values. During his lifetime, monuments were erected to him and destroyed, and he himself was deified and anathematized. The "Father of the Nation" died in exile, but he was buried in his homeland as a national hero. Interest in Nkrumah's personality continues unabated. Assessments of his deeds and ideas are contradictory, sometimes polar: "communist", "nationalist", "romantic", "idealist", "pragmatist", "messiah", "dictator", "tyrant".

Kwame Nkrumah was born in September 1909, but the exact date remains controversial. He himself believed that he was born on September 18, on Saturday. All boys born on this day of the week to the Nzima, a small ethnic group of the Fanti people, were traditionally called Kwame. The local Catholic priest wrote down in Yandex. Metrica: Tuesday, September 21, which became the official date of birth. Disputes also arose around the child's name. The priest wrote it down: "Francis," his father, a gold-minter, insisted that he add " Nwia Kofi."

Nkrumah grew up in the village of Nkroful, a quiet backwater in the far southwest of the British colony of the Gold Coast. The pensive boy watched traditional rituals, sat for long periods in the sacred grove, where, according to mythology, the spirits of his ancestors lived, listened in the evenings to the rhythms of tom-toms and fairy tales that his mother told him. Nurtured by traditional culture, he retained a lifelong love for it.

Nkrumah was sent by his mother to a mission school, where he studied for eight years. He was baptized according to the rite of the Roman Catholic Church. As a child, Nkrumah took religion very seriously, and enjoyed attending Mass with Father Georg Fischer, who became his de facto guardian and mentor. Kwame studied well. His and

The research was carried out with the financial support of the RGNF within the framework of the RGNF research project ("History of Africa in biographies of important figures"), project 09-01 - 00104a.

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Fischer often left a few other bright kids after school to talk about religious topics. He also offered a 17-year-old graduate to teach at the same school. Nkrumah happily agreed. The teacher was shorter than most of the students, and he had to stand on a box to write on the blackboard.

Nkrumah could have spent years working as a teacher in a remote province, but fate smiled on him. In 1926, the school was visited by the famous British teacher Alexander Fraser. He noticed a young teacher and recommended that he be accepted at Achimota College, which is opening near Accra and has become the most prestigious educational institution in British West Africa. Fraser, who was appointed the first director of the college, believed that "education should be fundamental in a European way, but African in content" [Davidson, 1973, p. 23]. Teachers who were invited from all over the world had to spend a year traveling around the African outback, studying customs, music, and folklore before starting work. In addition to the traditional academic disciplines, the college taught a course on African history. The only African teacher, Dr. Kwegir Aggri, aroused Nkrumah's "sense of nationalism" [Nkrumah, 1961, p.21]. In college, Nkrumah became critical of Catholic dogmas. Since his sophomore year, he had retreated daily to the dormitory to commune with "his god," often skipping Catholic Mass. Classes in history and public speaking began to occupy most of his time.

In 1930, Nkrumah graduated from Achimota College and became a teacher at a second-grade Catholic school in Elmina. His new idol is Nigerian politician and publicist Nnamdi Azikiwe. Nkrumah had never met a man who expressed his own thoughts and moods so vividly and accurately in his speeches and publications. They became friends. Even before meeting Azikiwe, Nkrumah had a strong desire to "lead an active life, continue his education and go to America for this purpose" (Nkrumah, 1961, p. 28). Communication with Azikiwe, who encouraged young Africans to go to study in the United States and return with the Golden Fleece, strengthened Nkrumah in this intention [Davidson, 1973, p. 29]. After borrowing money from relatives, Nkrumah left for America in January 1935.

He stayed there for 10 years and managed a lot. He graduated from the University of Lincoln with a Bachelor's degree in Economics, Sociology (1939) and theology (1942). At the University of Pennsylvania, he received Master's degrees in Pedagogy (1942) and philosophy (1943). Constantly in need of money, Nkrumah worked as an accountant in a shipyard, a laborer in a soap factory, a waiter on a regular steamer to earn money to pay for his studies. The difficulties hardened his character, taught him to appreciate time and work 18 hours a day.

He devoted his rare free hours to reading. He studied the works of famous philosophers (Kant, Hegel, Descartes, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, Freud), the ethical teachings of Ibsen and Tolstoy. The thoughts of African-Americans William Dubois and Marcus Garvey about the unity of the destinies of people of the black race, about the need to destroy colonial borders and create a single independent Africa found a warm response.

Nkrumah found the philosophical basis for solving "the colonial question as a whole, as well as the problem of imperialism" in Marxism. In the United States, he wrote his first work, "Forward, for Freedom from Colonialism." He believed that the most complete analysis of colonial policy was made in V. I. Lenin's work "Imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism", and argued that independence can be won only by struggle: "The colonial powers cannot expropriate themselves. The very idea that they will voluntarily offer their colonies freedom and independence on a silver platter is the height of absurdity "[Nkrumah, 1962, p. 16].

In America, Nkrumah tried his hand at politics. To master the "organization technique", he studied the experience of various parties in the United States, including the organizations of the "Republic of Belarus".-

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Kants, Democrats, Communists and Trotskyists "[Nkrumah, 1961, p. 48]. He participated in the work of African students in the United States, made reports on the situation in the colonies, especially focusing on the situation in Africa.

In June 1945, Nkrumah moved from the United States to the United Kingdom to study law and complete his PhD in philosophy. However, he preferred politics to his academic pursuits. This turn in his fate was largely influenced by the ideologue of pan-Africanism, George Padmore. Padmore met Nkrumah at a train station in London, where Nkrumah handed him a letter of introduction from Cyril James, a left-wing journalist with whom he had been friends in America. "He is determined to drive the Europeans out of Africa," James wrote of Nkrumah [Davidson, 1973, p. 38]. These were the people Padmore needed to organize the Fifth Pan-African Congress. Soon, he invited Nkrumah to join him as secretary of the preparatory committee for the Congress, which was held in Manchester in October 1945. The delegates represented the entire black diaspora, including those who later led the liberated African states. Whereas previous pan-African congresses had asked the colonial authorities to treat Africans humanely and help them overcome their backwardness, now they called on the peoples of the colonies to fight for liberation "in all possible ways". Nkrumah was the author of the final and most radical document adopted by the Congress. He did not choose a streamlined formulation: "Exploitation is the goal of the imperialist powers. Granting colonial peoples the right to self-government makes this goal impossible. Therefore, the struggle of colonial and dependent peoples for political power is a necessary condition and the first step towards complete social, economic and political liberation. That is why the Fifth Pan-African Congress calls on the workers and peasants of the colonies to create effective organizations. The workers of the colonies must be at the forefront of the struggle against imperialism. Your weapons - strike and boycott - are invincible. <...> Colonial and dependent peoples of the world - unite " [Appeal..., 2007, p. 24].

Nkrumah gained fame and authority among the African-American intelligentsia, and his political thinking acquired a pronounced " continental coloring." The West African National Secretariat was established in London, and Nkrumah became its secretary. The Secretariat's program called for "fighting for the complete liberation of all of West Africa." West Africa, as the most economically and politically developed region, was to become, according to Nkrumah, a springboard for the liberation of the rest of Africa from colonialism (Geiss, 1973, p. 413). Organized by Padmore and Nkrumah, the " Circle "was conceived as a secret society to train the" revolutionary vanguard "in the struggle for the creation of the" Union of African Socialist Republics " (Rooney, 1988, p. 24-25).

The battle against colonialism began for Nkrumah at home. In November 1947, he received an invitation from one of the leaders of the Gold Coast Joint Convention, Joseph Dankwa, to take up the post of General Secretary of the organization. Nkrumah hesitated; he had to change his circle of like-minded people to work in the OKZB, which, as he believed, was supported "almost exclusively by reactionaries" [Nkrumah, 1961, p.64]. The big leaders who created the OKZB, well-to-do doctors, lawyers, and merchants with degrees from British universities were not opposed to independence, which promised them political power and greater economic freedom. They were principled opponents of radical methods, and they did not want revolutionary upheavals, but "with the help of all legal and constitutional means to ensure the transfer of control and management to the hands of the people and their leaders in the shortest possible time" (Nkrumah, 1961, p.70). Many of them had no time to engage in politics. It was decided to establish the post of Secretary-General to conduct organizational work. A young lawyer, Ako Ajay, suggested that Nkrumah, whom he knew, be invited to the position

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by co-studying in America. Nkrumah accepted the offer with the feeling that "this could be our beginning, but it could also be our end" [Nkrumah, 1961, p. 64].

Nkrumah's return was the beginning of a brilliant, dizzying political career. He quickly turned the OKZB into a mass party of the modern type. In an old, often broken-down truck, he traveled all over the country, speaking at countless rallies. By his unpretentiousness and simplicity of communication, he favourably distinguished himself from the popular image of a" politician " - a haughty and inaccessible rich man. Nkrumah did not disdain to eat in the poorest hut, sleep on a mat, and all his luggage - two suits, two pairs of shoes, and a change of underwear-fit in a small suitcase. He did not flaunt his scholarship, but spoke about pressing problems in an understandable, but African, figurative language. Those who attended his speeches immediately signed OKZB membership cards and paid their dues. In six months, he created 500 really working branches of the party.

In January 1948, public discontent with rising prices and a shortage of imported goods resulted in a boycott of foreign trading firms. On January 28, on the outskirts of the British governor's residence, a demonstration of demobilized participants of the Second World War was shot. Riots and riots broke out in the cities of the Gold Coast. Nkrumah and five other OKZB leaders were arrested and exiled to remote areas of the Gold Coast, although they were not directly involved in the unrest. They returned to Accra as national heroes, but not like-minded people. The arrest increased tensions between Nkrumah and the "old guard", who were unhappy with his radicalism and populism. The popular revolt was a "moment of truth", exposing fundamental differences about the methods and timing of achieving independence. Dankwa and his supporters were irrevocably committed to constitutional methods, gradualism, and compromise with the colonial authorities.

Nkrumah chose a more difficult and dangerous path, and this brought him success. In August 1948, he created the Committee of Youth Organizations, which was formally considered the youth section of the OKZB, but in fact was an autonomous structure subordinate to the Nkrumah. June 12, 1949 He created his own party, the Convention People's Party (CPP), and put forward the slogan "Independence immediately!". To achieve this goal, it was supposed to implement the program of "positive action", which provided for "the legal application of strikes, boycotts and non-cooperation based on the principle of complete nonviolence, which was used by Gandhi in India" [Nkrumah, 1961, p.107]. In January 1950, the NPK organized major strikes, but failed to paralyze the country's economic life as planned. Nkrumah and his closest associates were arrested and sentenced to three years in prison.

The Gold Coast Constitution, which came into force on January 1, 1951, provided for the creation of a Legislative Assembly, almost half of whose members were to be elected on the basis of universal suffrage. The election campaign began, where the main rivals were the NPC and OKZB. Nkrumah's party machine worked brilliantly, even though he was in forced isolation. The NPC's propaganda skillfully created the image of a" common man's party " that, once in power, would quickly improve his life. The main slogan paraphrased the biblical dictum " Seek first the political kingdom, and the rest will be added to you." By" political kingdom " was meant independence. In the social section of the election program, promises were made that much would be "applied": unemployment would be eliminated, free education, medical care, and a social insurance system would be introduced, the population would be provided with "decent houses and apartments", and the debts of peasants to usurers would be repaid [Towards the Goal..., p. 4-9].

The NPC has introduced modern methods of campaigning into the political life of the Gold Coast. Its slogans and anthem were carried from loudspeakers installed on special platforms.

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vans painted in the colors of the party flag. There was a brisk trade in souvenirs, clothing with party symbols and portraits of Nkrumah. The circulation of the party's newspaper, the Accra Evening News, grew rapidly. Crowded political rallies ended with entertainment events. Special propaganda groups penetrated into every backwater and explained the essence of the party program in an accessible form. Senior party functionaries worked at full capacity. They traveled around the electoral districts, sometimes performing more than a dozen times a day, gathering an audience even in train cars.

The elections brought an impressive victory for the NPC. It won 34 seats out of 38. Nkrumah was also elected, having outplayed his rival in the central electoral district of the capital. On February 9, 1951, the day after the election, he was released from prison. He was greeted as a leader. The crowd carried him to the car in their arms. The car, "like a ship drawn by a powerful current, moved in the sea of people" to the Arena stadium, where in 1949 Nkrumah announced the creation of the NPC. He felt like a winner and a leader: "It was the greatest day of my life, the day of my victory, and these people were my warriors." At the stadium, he dipped his bare feet seven times in the blood of a sacrificed sheep, which was supposed to clear him of "prison desecration" [Nkrumah, 1961, p. 128].

On the same day, Nkrumah stated that he "does not have the slightest dislike for Britain" [Woronoff, 1972, p. 27]. The colonial authorities were pleasantly surprised by the peaceful tone of someone who had recently made speeches in which every word "was a nail driven into the coffin of British imperialism." The next morning, Nkrumah was invited to the governor's residence, where he emerged as the " head of the shadow cabinet."

The question of the terms of independence has become the subject of a sharp internal political struggle. The NPC's slogan "Independence immediately!" was not supported by a significant part of the regional elites in Ashanti and the Northern Territories. Nkrumah had no equal in his ability to conduct election campaigns, find allies, campaign, and solve organizational issues. On two occasions, in 1954 and 1956, his party won general elections in the face of fierce competition and sometimes terror from opponents, the main one of whom was Kofi Busia.

On the night of March 6-7, 1957, the Gold Coast became an independent Ghana, the first sovereign state in Tropical Africa, and Kwame Nkrumah became its first Prime Minister.

Nkrumah was the first to address the challenges faced by young African States. He received from the British a good legacy by the standards of Tropical Africa: a developed commodity sector (the world's largest export of cocoa beans, mining), the highest per capita income in the region (on the level of Mexico), the most developed education and health system, and a solid foreign exchange reserve (200 million pounds). However, despite the relative external prosperity, the Ghanaian economy suffered from all the ills of "peripherality": vulnerability to global market fluctuations, lack of manufacturing industry, weak interconnection of economic sectors, and limited government regulation. In the late 1950s, the country reached the limits of development within the framework of the peripheral economy and faced the problem of industrialization, and more globally-a change in the modernization paradigm.

Nkrumah was obsessed with the idea of accelerating the development of Ghana, and then the whole of Africa, believed that Ghana would become one of the industrialized countries in a generation, and wanted to quickly overcome this barrier, which is still not taken by Africa. At first, he hoped that economic liberalism and Western investment would become the engine of accelerated industrialization. This didn't happen. Western investments went, but not in industry, internal savings to fulfill the " hromadya

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there were clearly not enough plans, world cocoa prices were falling, and foreign exchange reserves were being depleted. It became clear that measures to limit consumption, new sources of foreign investment, and new markets for export goods were needed. A new ideology and a new development mechanism were required. Nkrumah found them in socialism: "If we want to fulfill our duty to the people and carry out the planned program, then socialism is the only way for us" (Nkrumah, 1964, p.175).

Nkrumah was utilitarian about socialism. He saw it as a tool for realizing the dream "of a harmoniously developed, free and independent Africa with its own unique face, where people live who the rest of the world accepts as equals, as they are, and treats them with respect and respect" [National Archives..., 1962, p. 1]. Nkrumah's theory of Nkrumahism consisted of three main components: the concept of the African personality, pan-Africanism, and socialism. If the first two elements were a sacred constant, symbolizing the African self, then socialism was used opportunistically, becoming "African" or" scientific " depending on the situation. In July 1962, the Congress of the NPC adopted a new party program, which declared the construction of a socialist society as the ultimate goal, and called Nkrumaism, based on "scientific socialism", i.e., the Soviet model of socialism, as the ideological basis of the party [Convention People's Party..., n.a., p. 4].

The State Planning Commission developed a seven-year plan (1963-1969). Nkrumah saw his main goal as "turning Ghana into an industrial country capable of providing maximum opportunities for a full life for all its people and creating the foundations of a socialist economy" [Pravda, 06.01.1964]. The priority task was to create a strong public sector in the economy. The merchant fleet, communications, civil aviation, most of the Western mining companies, and some of the major trading firms were transferred to state ownership. A monopoly of foreign trade was introduced, and large state-owned banks were established. Agricultural cooperatives and state farms were created at a rapid pace.

Many projects were not economically viable and were examples of blatant mismanagement. A factory for the production of canned tomatoes and mango fruits was built in Venchi and equipped with expensive imported equipment. After the ceremonial commissioning of the plant, it turned out that only small groves of wild mango trees grow nearby [Rooney, 1988, p. 190].

One of the few successful projects was the Volta hydroelectric complex, which went into operation in 1965. However, Nkrumah was unable to get Western investors to operate the aluminum plant on Ghanaian bauxite, since their huge deposits were located near the dam. Bauxite had to be imported from abroad and paid for in hard currency.

In twenty years, Nkrumah wanted to build an advanced industrial society in a country that lacked the necessary capabilities and resources. This gave predictable results: the loss-making of state-owned enterprises, the failure of peasant cooperation imposed from above, huge costs for the construction of prestigious expensive facilities, the collapse of trade, a shortage of goods, higher prices and taxes, rising inflation, and the depreciation of the national currency.

Nkrumah's foreign policy goals were grandiose and global. Speaking at the celebrations dedicated to the proclamation of Ghana's independence, he said that "our independence does not make sense if we do not connect it with the complete liberation of Africa" (Nkrumah, 1962, p.120). In Ghana, freedom fighters from many African colonies received military and political training. The Nkrumah Government organized the Conference of Independent African Countries and the First Conference of the Peoples of Africa in Accra in 1958. These forums have contributed to the growth of the political

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After the collapse of the colonial system on the continent, Nkrumah put forward the idea of creating a "United States of Africa", which was supposed to be a radical means of decolonization and avoid "conditional independence and Balkanization" [Nkrumah, 1964, p.308]. For Nkrumah, this was not a distant prospect, but an immediate goal, a task that was on the agenda. At Nkrumah's initiative, the Ghana-Guinea Alliance was established in May 1959 as the "core of the Union of African States". In 1960, Mali joined Ghana and Guinea.

The idea of continental unification was an obvious utopia, Africa followed the path of building nation-states, which were divided into two rival blocs-the Casablanca and Monrovia groups. Nkrumah's calls for unity helped African leaders realize that some form of unification was necessary. In May 1963, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was established. At the organization's founding conference, Nkrumah outlined his vision for African unity: "Only a united Africa with a single Government can quickly mobilize the material and spiritual resources of our States and effectively use them to quickly change the living conditions of our peoples. We need to unite. We have the opportunity, without prejudice to national sovereignty, to create a political union based on a coordinated military and foreign policy, common citizenship, a single African currency, a currency zone and the central bank of Africa. We must unite to achieve the complete liberation of our continent. We need to have a common defense system with a Unified African high command to ensure security and stability in Africa." [Ghana and Nkrumah, 1972, p. 51 - 52]. Nkrumah's proposals were not accepted, but similar ideas are increasingly being expressed in current African forums.

The" positive neutrality " that Nkrumah proclaimed as the cornerstone of Ghanaian foreign policy has in practice become a maneuver between the eastern and western blocs to defend Ghana's national interests. Nkrumah sought to capitalize on the superpower confrontation, to become the third force to win the" zero-sum game " waged by the Cold War adversaries. In negotiations with Soviet partners, he skillfully and sometimes successfully played the "imperialist threat" card, showed great ingenuity, proving Ghana's "vanguard" in promoting socialism on the African continent, and even publicly declared his intention to "Leninize" Africa [Mazov, 2008, p.179]. Ghana entered into lucrative trade and economic cooperation agreements with the USSR, and received substantial loans. Nkrumah has developed a good relationship with N. S. Khrushchev. In 1962, Nkrumah was awarded the International Lenin Prize "For Strengthening Friendship between Peoples".

At the same time, the Ghanaian leader managed to get the United States to finance the construction of a hydropower complex in the south. Volta, which Nkrumah considered the backbone of Ghana's industrialization and part of an "unprecedented economic revolution in the history of the world" [President's Speech..., 1963, p.359]. Having masterfully played on the fears of the JFK administration before the "second Aswan", i.e. the possibility of transferring the project to the USSR, he did not assume any obligations in exchange for loans and investments. By signing an order on December 12, 1961, granting the U.S. Government a loan to Ghana in the amount of $ 37 million and guarantees in the amount of $ 96 million. Kennedy told the American companies involved in the project: "We made a decent bet on a very dark horse, but I think the game is worth it" [Mahoney, 1983, p. 179].

Nkrumah went from the "father of independence" to the "father of the nation," a charismatic leader who ruled with authoritarian methods, typical of many African leaders. The struggle against real separatism resulted in a departure from democracy and repression of political opponents. In 1960, Ghana became the Prezi-

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the Dent republic. In the elections, Nkrumah confidently defeated Dankwa. In 1964, a one-party system was introduced by law, and Nkrumah was proclaimed President for life. "Our party," he wrote, "is like a huge, mighty tree that stretches its branches everywhere" [Omari, 1970, p. 55]. The role of the trunk was assigned to party functionaries, and branches-to mass organizations. The tree grew, branches were added. The Congress of Trade Unions, the United Farmers ' Council, women's organizations, and the organization of young Pioneers were integrated into the party. Party cells were formed even among the faithful in churches. The NPC was an amorphous entity consisting of 2 million people out of Ghana's 7 million population. To balance the various party factions, to mobilize the people to carry out grandiose tasks, Nkrumah believed, only he could, having unquestionable authority and unlimited power of the leader. He took the title of "Osadjiefo "("Hero and Warrior"), and statues of him abounded in Ghana, and he looked down from coins, stamps, and numerous portraits. Squares and factories, ships and institutes were named after him. Poems and songs were composed in his honor.

The president's lifestyle was an example of hard work and asceticism. Nkrumah would get up at four in the morning, exercise, and play tennis. I dictated my letters before breakfast. After nine o'clock there was a reception of numerous visitors. There was a short break at three. After five o'clock, he was back at his desk. He didn't drink alcohol, didn't smoke, and went hungry every Friday. His few free hours were devoted to yoga, gardening, swimming, horse riding, chess, and classical music.

The leader's personal example was not attractive to the Ghanaian elite. Hedonism reigned in the corridors of power. The bureaucracy, mostly apolitical or pro-Western, became the most influential class with pronounced corporate interests that were far from the officially declared goals. The bureaucracy was aimed not at implementing the mobilization model of development, but at personal enrichment, the conversion of power into property. The transformation of Ghana into a one-party state actually resulted in the creation of an authoritarian regime, where there was no feedback between the ruling elite and the masses. In the minds of many Ghanaians, socialism became associated with deprivation, unfulfilled promises of power, arbitrariness, lack of civil liberties, the enthusiasm of the people was replaced by apathy, passive or active resistance.

After several assassination attempts, which Nkrumah was sure the CIA was behind, he began to lead a closed life. He rarely left his Flagstaff House residence, guarded by the presidential regiment, whose personnel were trained by Soviet instructors. He did not receive objective information about the situation in the country, and lived in a world of his own ideas and ideals.

On the morning of February 24, 1966, when the President was on another foreign tour, army and police units carried out a coup d'etat. News of this caught Nkrumah in Beijing. He gave the order to the army to return to the barracks, asked to keep the plane ready for departure to their homeland. It soon became clear that the flight would have to go somewhere else. Numerous telegrams of support were sent to the new regime from all over Ghana. Demonstrators threw statues of Nkrumah from their pedestals and tore down his portraits. The former place of mass pilgrimage in Nkrofula, where he was born, was bulldozed. Many of his associates and friends disowned him, calling him a "tyrant" and a " mediocre politician."

Nkrumah settled in a secluded villa on the outskirts of Conakry, where he came at the invitation of the President of Guinea Sekou Toure. In exile, Nkrumah remained a maximalist, harboring grandiose but unrealistic plans. He perceived the loss of power as an event of pan-African scale. Noting the existence of a "brutal class struggle" in Africa, he called the coup in Ghana "an epitaph for African socialism" (Nkrumah, 1970, p. 10). The only effective means of "genuine liberation" is-

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denia" of the African continent Nkrumah considered armed guerrilla warfare. It was supposed to be waged not only against racist regimes, but also against those African "client states" where "conservative forces hold power and the economy remains under the control of international financial capital." Since Nkrumah included most of the African States among the latter, the guerrilla war had to take on an all-African character and be coordinated on a continent-wide scale. For this purpose, a "pan-African government and an all-African people's revolutionary party" should be created [Nkrumah, 1973, p. 452, 453].

Kwame Nkrumah died of cancer on April 27, 1972, at the age of 62. In July, at the request of the Ghanaian Government, his remains were returned to his homeland and buried with the highest state honors according to the will of the deceased in Nkrofula.

Nkrumah was one of the most prominent representatives of the first generation of African leaders to lead their countries after independence. His views, achievements and failures were characteristic of those who dreamed of eliminating the backwardness and "birthmarks" of colonialism in a short historical time.

list of literature

Mazov S. V. Soviet Policy in West Africa, 1956-1964. Unknown Pages of the history of the Cold War, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 2008.

Nkrumah Kwame. Autobiography, Moscow: Foreign Literature Publishing House, 1961.
Nkrumah Kwame. I'm talking about freedom. Presentation of the African Ideology, Moscow: Foreign Literature Publishing House, 1962.
Nkrumah Kwame. Africa must Unite, Moscow: Progress Publ., 1964.

"Appeal to the workers, peasants and intellectuals of the colonies of the V Pan-African Congress" / / History of Africa in documents 1870-2000 / Under the general editorship of Apollon Davidson. Vol. 2. 1919-1960. Moscow: Nauka, 2007.

Pravda, Moscow, 06.01.1964.
Speech of the President and Head of the Government of Ghana Kwame Nkrumah in the Kremlin at the meeting of friendship between the peoples of the USSR and Ghana / / USSR and African Countries 1946-1962: Documents and materials. Vol. II: September 1960-1962, Moscow: Gospolitizdat, 1963.

Convention People's Party (CPP). Programme of the Convention People's Party "For Work and Happiness". Accra, n. a.

Davidson B. Black Star. A View of Life and Times of Kwame Nkrumah. L.: Penguin Books, 1973.

Geiss I. The Pan-African Movement: A History of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe and Africa. N.Y.: Africana Publishing Corporation, 1973.

Ghana and Nkrumah / Ed. by Th. Howell and J. Rajasooria. N.Y.: 1st Edition Binding - Trade Paperback Publisher - Facts on File, 1972.

Mahoney Richard. JFK Ordeal in Africa. N.Y. -Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983.

National Archives. Record Group 59. General Records of Department of State. Bureau of African Affairs. Kwame Nkrumah. A Psychological Study. Assessment Supplement. Communism and Communalism. June 1962.

Nkrumah Kwame. Towards Colonial Freedom. L.: Heinemann, 1962.

Nkrumah Kwame. Class Struggle in Africa. L.: Panaf Books, 1970.

Nkrumah Kwame. Revolutionary Path. N.Y.: Panaf Books, 1973.

Omari p. Kwame Nkrumah: the Anatomy of an African Dictatorship. N.Y.: Africana Publishing Corporation, 1970.

Rooney D. Kwame Nkrumah. The Political Kingdom in the Third World. L.: St. Martin's Press, 1988.

Towards the Goal. The Manifesto of the Convention People's Party. For the Forthcoming General Election (February 1951). Accra, n. a.

Woronoff J. West African Wager: Houphouet versus Nkrumah. Metuchen (N.Y.): Scarecrow Press, 1972.

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